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The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security Crises
Daniel Maxwell
and
Peter Hailey

government employees). On several occasions, reports from whole analyses were quashed; on many occasions, changes to reports were required. National government technical staff involved in the famine declaration were fired from their government jobs and expatriate analysts threated with expulsion and, in at least one case, directly attacked. Table 3: Political constraints and influences, by country case study

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Joël Glasman
and
Brendan Lawson

new apparatus of knowledge production, but social hierarchies (for instance between principal investigators and data managers, ‘expatriates’ and ‘nationals’, investigators and patients) also impact results. While randomised trials are often thought to be universal and objective, Issoufou shows how local relations in and around Madarounfa inform and shape statistics. 7. Machines and Formulas Do Not Exist Outside Society and Politics In

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Louise Beaumais

evaluation (DME) they account for humanitarian action and detail the number of projects and programmes implemented, as well as the assistance given (for example by underlining the number of beneficiaries of an action to the nearest decimal). These figures are often placed at the beginning of the annual report in an ‘our organisation in figures’ page, or given for regional areas in the most detailed reports: In 2009, the ICRC expatriate

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Military Tactic or Collateral Damage?
Abdulkarim Ekzayez
and
Ammar Sabouni

the gap left by the withdrawal of the government’s Ministry of Health from non-government-controlled Syria ( Ekzayez, 2018 ). Concomitant with the formation of these governance structures locally, diaspora Syrian healthcare workers developed Syrian NGOs in response to the Syrian conflict. The Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS), Syrian Expatriate Medical Society (SEMA) and the Union of Medical Care and Relief Organizations (UOSSM), among other NGOs, shaped a substantial part of the international response to the Syrian conflict. International NGOs were able to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps
,
Lasse Heerten
,
Arua Oko Omaka
,
Kevin O'Sullivan
, and
Bertrand Taithe

; Smith, 2014] . Likewise, French, Portuguese and South Africa interference in the conflict was undertaken with the goal of destabilising Nigeria and weakening its influence in West Africa [ Omaka, 2019 ; Siebert, 2018] . The third element of this story is the on-going transition from empire to the postcolonial era. That change manifested itself in different ways. The Africanisation of the Nigerian Catholic Church, for example, changed the role that expatriate missionaries

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Raymond Hinnebusch

kind of vulnerability was exposed in the oil monarchies. There, family states with tiny pampered citizen populations dependent on expatriate labour, combined great wealth with low military capability. Their chief liability was their location contiguous to much larger, poorer and militarily stronger states – Iran and Iraq. The Iran–Iraq war spared the monarchies their immediate attentions throughout the 1980s, but the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait administered a shock to these regimes that paralleled the economic crisis in the republics. It showed they could not survive in

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

acknowledged to be a mere part of the Arab nation, then Kuwaiti oil would be an Arab patrimony to be equitably shared with other parts of the Arab nation, not least the legions of Arab expatriates working in Kuwait. The geographically separate Maghreb has always identified less with Arab nationalism than local statehood. Some Tunisian writers defend the idea of a distinct Tunisian nation and Morocco has a long history under an independent dynasty (Ayubi 1995: 144). Yet in the 1973 Arab–Israeli war Morocco’s pro-Western ruler thought it to his domestic advantage to send a

in The international politics of the Middle East
Stephen Emerson
and
Hussein Solomon

the recognized Libyan government and US-led air strikes, Islamic State fighters were finally pushed out of their stronghold in Sirte in December 2016. Nonetheless, the group is far from being defeated and is reportedly regrouping in remote parts of southern Libya.19 224 African security in the twenty-first century The Libyan chaos also unleashed a flood of expatriate trained fighters, military equipment, and small arms—including sophisticated surfaceto-air missiles—flowing southward into conflict zones in Algeria, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Chad. A simmering

in African security in the twenty-first century
Raymond Hinnebusch

Israeli occupied territories (Nahas 1985). The attempt to export revolution to Iran’s traditional Gulf neighbours was a high priority. Khomeini insisted that Islam denied the legitimacy of monarchic rule and deprecated the Gulf states for their ‘American Islam’. The Iranian model of Islam, anti-American, mass mobilising, anti-monarchic, and appealing to Shi’a minorities, was especially threatening to these states owing to their own liabilities: retarded nation-building, reliance on expatriate labour, and large subservient Shi’a communities. The

in The international politics of the Middle East