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increasingly pervasive due to advancing living standards. This latter approach is not really pertinent to the Balkan region – if it is discussed, this is only due to pressure being brought by the international community that forces these issues to the forefront, despite the considerably lower standard of living in the Balkans vis-à-vis Western Europe (WE).1 The socioeconomic approach and modernization theory are based upon the structure of society and consider Far Right politics to be the outcome of rapid social and cultural change in modern societies, which try to head off
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
thus not the wolf that is like the migrant but the migrant who takes on similar meanings to the cipher of the wolf. In far-right politics, the wolf thus serves as a figure to construe a (predominantly) rural population as vulnerable to infiltrating populations of predators who have been invited in by urban dwellers who remain luxuriously far removed from the consequences of their decisions.
-terrorism on the far right. Until recently, groups and individuals associated with this ideology were not given priority within the CONTEST strategy, but they are now seen as a much more pervasive and organised threat. It might be that many critics of Prevent who saw the policy as racist and discriminatory might have greater anxiety about the influence of far-right politics and the threat of violence from that quarter. And for groups who have decried safe spaces while backing Prevent’s safeguarding, the long-standing issue of the conflation of extremism with violence might
they make it possible for far right political forces to channel popular discontent with the status quo in a reactionary direction. This is not the only lesson that the left and humanity have to draw from recent history. The rise of neoliberalism has laid to rest the illusion, stemming from capitalism’s brief golden age immediately after World War II, that it is possible to humanize capitalism by subjecting it to democratic controls. The Cold War context of that period contributed to this illusion in a number of ways. On the one hand, it put pressure on capitalist
Nazi past would work as a political ‘handicap’ for far-right political agents. 33 Now, however, the stigma is used as a resource for far-right parties. ‘Germany – Never again!’ In Eastern Germany there has been a historically different understanding of the ‘problematic’ German nation that has led to a greater attention to the governance of problematic ‘leftist’ nationalisms. In particular, during reunification, a left-wing political movement called the Antideutsche Bewegung (Anti-German Movement) emerged that rejected every form of German nationalism per se
affiliation—and some had links to anarchist and leftist groups—a few bands found their voice on the right. Incorporating fascist, anti-immigrant, and racist motifs into their lyrics, they exhorted rebellion against the same enemies the National Front targeted—elite politicians, non-whites, and foreigners. 31 Skinhead culture and far right politics found common ground via an aesthetic of hypermasculine violence. Yet the skinhead scene did not simply breed fascists or neo-Nazis. Rather, neo-Nazis and fascists sought it out to build grassroots support. The far
-economic developments regarding neo-jihadism from 2017 to 2020, and within the global economic system. It incorporates comparative consideration of other political philosophies and movements, from anarchism and left-wing activism to the GWOT and a twenty-first-century rise in far-right politics and (neo-)fascism. Furthermore, I elaborate a brief consideration of evolutionary developments within the phenomenon of neo-jihadism, including several forecasts of the political activities of AQ and IS. Drawing on theoretical and strategic inferences about the variegated nature of neo
UK referendum vote to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’) and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States are each widely understood as involving a ‘populist’ rejection of ‘elites’ and ‘economic globalisation’. It is significant that each has taken place in a country Afterword 305 where neo-liberal public policy has been paramount. However, the rise of authoritarian populist regimes elsewhere (for example, in Turkey and India) and of far-right political parties having increasing political influence (for example, the National Front in France
election, there were outstanding questions concerning the MNR’s ability to benefit electorally from its entrenchment at the local level. The presidential and legislative contests both illustrated the bitter setback of the MNR in challenging Le Pen’s monopoly over far-right politics in France. The share of the extreme-right vote secured by the MNR in the presidential and legislative election represented only 11.9 and 8.9 per cent of the total vote for the far right respectively, as opposed to 36.2 per cent in the June 1999 European election. At the 2002 presidential