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A. J. Coates

interplay of theory and practice must, by its very nature, lead to some disagreement. Not only do just war theorists differ in their understanding of theoretical principles and concepts, but they differ in their interpretation of the facts on which the moral judgement of war is crucially dependent. There are, for example, just as many critics of the First Gulf War among just war theorists as there are defenders of it. This divergence, though in some cases the result of theoretical dispute, arises in large measure from the contingent nature of the assessment and from the

in The ethics of war
Ilan Danjoux

), intrastate conflict (e.g. Darby 1983 ; Smith 1999 ; Lewin and Huff 2007 ) or international war (e.g. Dodds 1996 , 2007 ; Slyomovics 1993 ; Minear 2001 ). These studies range in both scope and focus. Conners ( 1998 ) found that depictions of Saddam Hussein became more sinister in the months preceding the First Gulf War; Yu-Rivera studies compares Filipino cartoons of Japan both before and after their

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

European integration they also support the notion that Germany should pursue its national interest in international fora, just like other ‘normal’ countries.22 Public opinion on actual out-of-area interventions has varied over time, from resistance to the first Gulf War to favouring UN-mandated operations in the former Yugoslavia after 1993, to resisting Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan at the time of the Bundestag vote on the German contribution in November 2001. West Germans have generally been more inclined to favour a German international military engagement

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Changing representations of the special relationship in British political discourse
Simon Tate

sustained, without the traditional glue of the Soviet threat. Politically the burgeoning economies of South Korea and Taiwan had little in common with the free press and party democracies of Western Europe and North America. (Walker, 1993, p. 327; see also Henrikson, 1997; Ó Tuathail 1997, for discussion) Samuel Huntington’s (1996) argument that the West would survive because it would once again come to be defined and viewed as a cultural and historical civilisation proved unrealistic. For example, as Ó Tuathail (1997) observes in his study of the first Gulf War, in 1990

in A special relationship?
Stacey Gutkowski

(mainly Hebrew-language) media, Facebook and through WhatsApp, including that the Iron Dome was adjusted by the hand of God. 66 The public interventions of Ofer Winter, a Givati commander, publicizing miraculous events resonated among the National Religious public, bringing miraculous accounts beyond mystical haredi circles. 67 An analysis of Hebrew and English-language media sources revealed that since the First Gulf War, there have been reported accounts of divine intervention on the battlefield. These were largely been confined to Orthodox circles, particularly

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
A. J. Coates

the conduct of war229 who took the decision at Chequers did not at that time know anything about the Peruvian proposals’ (Thatcher 1993, p. 215) seem entirely in accordance with the known facts.9 It is in the economical and compassionate deployment of his own forces that a military commander first displays his respect for proportionality. In an interview during the First Gulf War the allied commander General Schwarzkopf talked about the burdens of command: ‘My nightmare is anything that would cause mass casualties among the troops. I don’t want my troops to die. I

in The ethics of war
Kayhan Valadbaygi

of raw materials, machinery and spare parts needed for export purposes’ (Ghasimi, 1992 : 609). Thanks to the increase in the price of oil owing to the first Gulf War, the industrial sector enjoyed a 538 per cent growth in access to banking facilities during this period (Nabavi and Malayeri, 1996 : 18). As a result, according to the annual reports of the Trade Promotion

in Capitalism in contemporary Iran
Stephen Benedict Dyson

to the stronger (see especially point four), and on the need to work within the realm of the possible. As such, they bear reproduction in full: 1 Saddam Hussein’s past aggression, present support for terrorism and future ambitions made him a clear threat to his enemies. He was not the only threat, but he was a threat nonetheless. 2 The United States and Britain were among his enemies. 3 The people of the United States, still angered by the 11 September attacks, still sensing unfinished business from the first Gulf War twelve years before, would support a war on

in The Blair identity
Abstract only
Ali Riaz

first Gulf War (1991). An ardent supporter of the Palestinian cause since his youth, Galloway had defended Hezbollah and Hamas on many occasions. He led War On Want, a British charity that campaigns against poverty worldwide, between 1983 and 1987 and became the Vice President of the Stop the War Coalition in 2001. He opposed the 2003 invasion of Iraq and alleged that Prime Minister Tony Blair lied to lead the country into war. His controversial comments, such as calling on British troops ‘to refuse MUP_Riaz_IslamIdentity_Revised.indd 2 21/02/2013 16

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Abstract only
The rise of cosmopolitan dystopia
Philip Cunliffe

-utopian, cosmopolitan ideals can just as easily succumb to the intoxication of military power and crusading zeal to improve the world. One humanitarian emergency has followed another in which humanitarian intervention is urged even if not enacted, in an unbroken chain reaching back to the no-fly zone established in 1992 over northern Iraq after the end of the first Gulf War and going through the Balkans, East Timor, Somalia, West Africa, Rwanda, Darfur, Iraq, Syria, Kurdistan (not to mention all those instances in which intervention was urged but never materialised – Zimbabwe, Darfur

in Cosmopolitan dystopia