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/or feminine) writing subjects in the s as they continue to operate in the tension between the postmodern deconstruc- Introduction tion of the subject and a feminist, queer or post-colonial interest in identity politics? On both counts – the postmodern fragmentation of the subject and the demise of authorial power – female/feminine subjects were threatened even as they at last began to come to the fore in French culture. Kristeva’s term, le sujet en procès (subject in process and on trial), is rarely used to describe the late twentieth-century subject of women
Hence, the ‘Beyond the new black’ seminar reframed questions of diversity and representation in an empowering context, and it was also the occasion when the Fusion Programme was presented. The gender equality goal of the Swedish Film Institute had previously been met by suspicion and critique,10 but the loudest criticism coincided with the launch of the Fusion Programme in late 2015 (see figure 9.1). In an article in Dagens Nyheter, several persons questioned what they termed ‘identity politics’ pursued by Anna Serner, the present CEO of the Swedish Film Institute
in Section One lurks in the background— behind that book’s exploration of what a new married identity politics can mean for the issue of female conduct—now comes to the fore in Section Two. This attention to household knowledges specific to the material needs of this bourgeois household—and the ways that their consumption and production are complexly entangled with each other—thus becomes a central feature of Section Two. As a result, I want to shift critical attention more directly to the question of knowledge in the Menagier and what it can tell us about the
mature, that encouragement also came with the unfortunate concentration on identity 192 First person plural categories – writing ‘as a’ (white, heterosexual, bourgeois, married, mother of sons, for e xample). I’ve always seen the personal turn not, as might be expected, as an instantiation but as a critical response to identity politics: fleshing identity categories into stories, giving them breadth, location and space, developing them over time, so that they expand and multiply, to the point of eventually disappearing. Embarrassingly, I must admit that I did feel
ethical dimension or moral of the novel is conveyed not in a hidden subtext, but by Trevor’s creation of characters whose individual experiences and choices induce them to behave in certain ways. As a result, the characters will be analysed as bearers of ethical values, not as manifestations of identity politics, and their actions will be seen as governed by their personal stories rather than by their part in collective history. If character action is validated rather than scrutinised, the novel becomes a harrowing exploration of ethical action and its price. Love and
segregated, reviled, and alienated by even the Third World Irish State, they are the blacks’ blacks’ black. This is not a practice of empathy but a position from which to launch a ‘“reverse” discourse’ as Michel Foucault (1980: 101) might describe it: a language of identity politics used by the marginalised to speak back with pride against the shaming taxonomies and surveillance of the dominant, though in this case even the governing class are ‘niggers’. The stagnant Dublin of The Commitments is, at first glance, a world away from the Dublin of Keith Ridgway’s second novel
dealing with macro-challenges to imperialism but when it offers challenges pitched in the field of identity politics to preconceived ideas of race and ethnicity, and when it struggles to give voice and aesthetic form to expressions of identity that are not, conventionally, accommodated within the Western canon and the discourses it supports. Hence, when W. L. Webb in interview asks Rushdie to clarify his view (expressed fictionally in The Satanic Verses ) that description can be a political act, it is precisely this aspect of his thought that Rushdie focuses on
repaired. The wrong is infinite: to attempt to resolve it is to eradicate politics altogether: ‘[t]he wrong by which politics occurs is not some flaw calling for reparation. It is the introduction of an incommensurable at the heart of the distribution of speaking bodies’ ( 1999 : 19). For Rancière, the political wrong, embodied by those who momentarily represent ‘the part with no part’, is the antithesis to crude notions of identity politics. Where identity politics is predicated upon the assumption that identity exists, the subjects of the Rancièrian wrong are
with Mark Anthony Rolo (2004) 2 This chapter examines the enduring significance of religion as a category of identity in contemporary US society, analysing the ways in which religious discourse overlaps with raced and gendered identities in two novels by contemporary German American-Ojibway writer Louise Erdrich. In so doing, I wish to highlight the fact that in identity politics, certain categories have been, and still are, scrutinised more than others. Perhaps because of scholars
‘white, working class male’. I would still attack racism and sexism and homophobia, yes, but I would be a white, working class male and other decent, white working class males would be my true brothers.65 Class was being reconstituted, not only through social and economic forces but in terms of individual identity and a politics of recognition.66 Personalised understandings could thus mirror the identity politics of opponents. These feelings became acute in writing workshops. In developing a literature based on working-class experience, writers had to be free to