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by diplomats who prepared for a major conference to establish a robust, new world order. The new discipline was at first dominated by the mental furniture of the nineteenth century; in particular by the liberal internationalism of the Anglo-American peace movement, expressed by members of the British Foreign Office and by the US President Woodrow Wilson. But these theories were soon challenged by arguments formulated by strong, illiberal leaders on the Continent, such as Vladimir Lenin and, later, Adolf Hitler. This chapter ends with a discussion of Hitler and the
World War. There are many examples one could find of this special legacy of Germany’s twentieth-century history. They would include: the liberality of asylum provisions (and the political problems which such liberality has led to); the illiberal law forbidding reference to the ‘Auschwitz lie’ ( Auschwitzluge ); 3 the special sensitivity of the regime to extremism, but particularly right-wing extremism, though until reunification to communist infiltration also; tense relations with Germany’s Jews and with Israel; the difficulties which many people had with western
States. Soon after the 2016 election, Nigel Farage met President-elect Trump in New York. A UKIP spokesman subsequently confirmed that Farage had asked the President-elect to return the now famous bust of Winston Churchill to the White House Oval Office. Farage was ‘especially pleased’ by Trump’s ‘very positive reaction’ to the idea, a symbol of a new friendship on the illiberal wing of Anglo-American politics (cited in BBC News, 2016k ). Writing in the Telegraph about the prospects for a post-EU free-trade agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States
for Russian president Vladimir Putin to exploit. Moving on … We now have examined how illiberalism on both sides of the Atlantic, Turkey’s progression away from Western values, the UK’s projected exit from the EU and Donald Trump’s shock to the Western system have proven traumatic not only for the transatlantic relationship but also for the West in general. The next chapter looks at how Western values and institutions that so many believe in might be saved and reinvigorated. Notes * This chapter is based in part on analysis originally presented in
insurgent parties or ‘protest votes’ at referendums. Nationalism in contemporary Europe is less linked to war and armed conflict than it was in the past. In liberal – or even ‘illiberal’ – democracies at the beginning of the twenty-first century it tends to be about contestation of the ideas and values that frame ways of being in the world and that at the political level that shape policy-making, which in turn impact people’s lives. This ultimately political understanding of nationalism makes sovereignty an important concept underpinning any definition of
are noteworthy from a Cheyenne viewpoint. If white people are wrapped up, they are often narrowly exclusive, insular, and illiberal. If they are not liberal, they are often prejudiced, bigoted, and intolerant. If they are intolerant, they limit other people’s freedom. The words and actions of ve?ho?e are consistent in that white people have been generally intolerant of everything Cheyenne or everything different, as evidenced by the absence of Indians from American history. White egoism has taken precedence over the presentation of authentic Indian history
these petty remarks; but will try and understand the spirit which moves certain individuals to go to prison rather than submit to the tyranny of an illiberal Government. 9 Women’s share in the Co-operative movement Joseph Clayton (1868–1943) was a novelist, a prolific biographer (of activists such as Robert Owen), and a respected historian ( Leaders of the People: Studies in Democratic History , 1910; Co-operation and the Trade Unions , 1912; The Rise and Decline of Socialism in Great Britain 1884–1924 , 1926 ). A Catholic convert, he was a
impatience with routine democratic procedures and systems based upon checks and balances. From a populist perspective, the people have the right to cut through these constraints and, because the people have one voice, quickly dispatch dissent that is by definition illegitimate or at most only partially legitimate. There is thus an inherent illiberalism and authoritarianism based on a desire for order and the imposition of leadership. The degree to which they become manifest depends upon the character of the particular settings within which populism comes to the fore
against marriage equality in referendums in more recently established democracies, does not, therefore, automatically suggest the citizens’ initiative is to blame. True, there have been several votes on the subject that appear illiberal. The citizens’ initiative in Croatia in 2013, where 66 per cent of the voters voted affirmatively for the question, “Are you in favour of the
Italian Law on Assisted Reproduction’ (2006) 14 Medical Law Review 73. Though see Costa and Pavan v Italy Application No 54270/2010 (ECHR, 28 August 2012), discussed in S Biondi, ‘Access to Medical-Assisted Reproduction and PGD in Italian Law: A Deadly Blow to an Illiberal Statute? (2013) 21(3) Medical Law Review 474. 16 SH v Austria , Application No 57813/00 (ECHR 2011) discussed in S McGuinness, ‘Health, Human Rights and the Regulation of Reproductive Technologies in SH and Others v Austria’ (2013) 21(1) Medical Law Review 146. 17 An excellent introductory