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intergovernmental organisations on the basis of their competences. In supranational organisations, binding decisions can be taken by majority vote. This is not possible in purely intergovernmental organisations. Most organisations are intergovernmental. Table 4 Classification
from finances received for the implementation of specific projects from the UN agencies, the regional intergovernmental organisations such as the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO) and national governments. 23 In the by now complex global network through which international relief moves, the NGOs as a whole have reached the point where they ‘form the backbone of the delivery mechanism’ 24 and are in the front line of work in the field. Finally, according to much of the literature, the chief promoters of humanitarian action are
development (UNCED)) (see section 119 ); the increase in humanitarian actions; and the cooperation between intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). 4 Natural law and positivism The development of international law
exclusive, highlight the different approaches and concerns animating the two discourses. The work of the diffusion scholars, especially that of Simmons and her collaborators, tends not to view the international arena as a particularly social place and focuses on states and/or intergovernmental organisations (IOs) as the key actors of policy diffusion (Holzinger, Knill and Sommerer, 2008; Simmons, Dobbins and Garrett, 2008). Like many scholars influenced by the rational choice approach their work often begins from the starting point of (state) interests and asks why
cultural sense. The European Community Administration and Parliament, and a large array of EU development programmes, are relevant to academics as well as economists. Unlike the OECD, another intergovernmental organisation (IGO) wielding influence in the work addressed by the book, the EU spends more than a third of its budget on economic and sometimes socially oriented applied research and development (R&D) programmes. European thought has hitherto dominated most learning region discourse, especially through the organs of the EU, with its Committee for Regions, and of
-interest. Alongside their increased participation in established international women’s organisations and new intergovernmental organisations like the League of Nations, Australians and New Zealanders drove the creation of regional bodies, which offered to those women able to travel genuine leadership opportunities and a chance to develop both their own voices and a new internationalist agenda. 15 Elsie Andrews, Amy Kane, Mary Seaton, and, significantly, the Māori leader Victoria Te Amohau Bennett in New Zealand, and Mary Bennett, Constance Cooke, Eleanor Moore, Bessie
problems regarding conflicting external policies and the lack of coordination of internal bureaucracies are not exclusive to EU foreign policy. Even the most centralised governments in the world are unable or unwilling to solve these problems (Allison and Zelikow, 1999 ). The same can be said of other intergovernmental organisations. For instance, problems of coherence among different UN actors and agencies led to significant
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. By contrast, France sought innovative European solutions to co-existence with Germany. The enthusiasm for such solutions, expressed from various quarters at the Congress of Europe in May 1948, ran into the difficulty that British participation in such bodies seemed inevitably to steer them towards traditional intergovernmental organisations, where the nation state remained key. That much became clear with the resultant emergence of the Council of Europe, whose statute was agreed in London in 1949. The French response to the
Mediterranean (UfM),2 with its secretariat in Barcelona, is an ‘intergovernmental organisation bringing together the 28 European Union member states and 15 countries from the Southern and Eastern shores of the Mediterranean’.3 It was set up with a view to establishing ‘a unique forum to enhance regional cooperation and dialogue in the Euro-Mediterranean region’.4 It ‘provides a unique platform to formulate regional priorities and decide on specific cooperation initiatives to be put in place’.5 44 45 Extending the EU’s HE discourse to the rest of the Mediterranean Higher
principle is conducive to the emergence of an intergovernmental dynamic among the staff. The national connection is upheld under the quota principle, securing a staff loyal to the domestic constituency. Intergovernmental organisations typically employ the quota principle and different systems of secondment in order to uphold the geographical balances of posts and territorially loyal delegates, such as in the NATO and the UN Secretariats (Bennett and Oliver 2002: 413; Mouritzen 1990; Reymond and Mailick 1986). Studying officials in international bureaucracies sometimes