This is a start-of-the-art consideration of the European Union’s crisis response mechanisms. It brings together scholars from a range of disciplinary backgrounds to examine how and why the EU responds to crises on its borders and further afield. The work is based on extensive fieldwork in among another places, Afghanistan, Libya, Mali and Iraq. The book considers the construction of crises and how some issues are deemed crises and others not. A major finding from this comparative study is that EU crisis response interventions have been placing increasing emphasis on security and stabilisation and less emphasis on human rights and democratisation. This changes – quite fundamentally – the EU’s stance as an international actor and leads to questions about the nature of the EU and how it perceives itself and is perceived by others. The volume is able to bring together scholars from EU Studies and Peace and Conflict Studies. The result showcases concept and theory-building alongside case study research.
, an attempt
is made to show how the internationalintervention caused the decentralisation
of power in the region.
Non-existent states with strange institutions
The international community
It has been shown that in the course of its historical evolution, Herceg-Bosna,
emerging from the total chaos of the initial phase of the Bosnian war, entered a
stage of increasing centralisation of power. This occurred from the beginning of
1992 until the end of 1993 under the leadership of Mate Boban.
Following the signing of the Washington Agreement, a change in the
International peacebuilding consortiums in Nagorny Karabakh, 2003–16
In the early 1990s the appearance of a small, war-ravaged and unrecognised Armenian republic in the South Caucasus created a new context in the history of internationalinterventions in Armenian crises. 1 The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR), proclaimed on 2 September 1991, was one of several cases of unilateral secession challenging Soviet successor states, in this case Azerbaijan. 2 These secessions were contested in small but often vicious wars, characterised on all sides by violations of the human rights of civilian populations on a massive scale. Their
A third, again closely related, criticism is that the
negative impact of internationalintervention prior to 1994 tends to be
underestimated or ignored by most analysts. The RPF’s 1990
invasion was repulsed with French help, but although France had been a
staunch supporter of Habyarimana’s one-party state during the Cold
War, Western priorities in Africa had already begun to change. The
on a myriad of tasks, including implementing complex peace agreements, building institutions, disarming former combatants, and monitoring human rights. 11 One of the first examples of a UN-approved internationalintervention in the post-Cold War period is the invocation of the clause UN Charter aimed to deter crimes of aggression to defend Kuwait against an invasion by Iraq. The initial intervention approved by the UNSC to expel Iraq from Kuwait clearly fell under a traditional interpretation of the UN Charter that forbids crimes of aggression. Iraqi military
full sovereignty, internationalintervention is both necessary and
legitimate. As we saw in Chapter 2, this was precisely the argument made
about intervention in Somalia in the early 1990s. In the present
context, emphasising that ‘For the last five years [Afghanistan]
has not even existed as a functioning state’ and that ‘there
are no state institutions worth speaking of in Kabul, Straw
commitment to a wider reform
agenda such as facilitating global trade, international economic concerns are
clearly central to understanding internationalintervention in the territory. If
analysis of a war economy involves understanding who profits from conflict
and how, all of these issues become pertinent.
The same can be said in terms of understanding the economic interests of
regional actors. Despite being one of the poorest regions of the former
Yugoslavia, Kosovo contains some of the largest mineral deposits in the region
including zinc, lignite and coal. The Trepça
The reconstruction of Kosovo after 1999 was one of the largest and most ambitious international interventions in a post conflict country. Kosovo was seen by many international actors as a ‘green fields’ site on which to construct the government institutions and practices they considered necessary for future peace and prosperity. For a while Kosovo was close to being a laboratory for the practice of institution building and capacity development. This book looks beyond the apparently united and generally self congratulatory statements of international organisations and donors to examine what actually happened when they tried to work together in Kosovo to construct a new public administration. It considers the interests and motivations and the strengths and weaknesses of each of the major players and how these affected what they did, how they did it, and how successful they were in achieving their goals. Although in general the international exercise in Kosovo can be seen as a success, the results have been uneven. Some public administration institutions perform well while others face ongoing challenges. The book argues that to a significant extent the current day performance of the Kosovo government can be traced to the steps taken, or sometimes not taken, by various international actors in the early years of the international intervention.
This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to
offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and
through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference
have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on
the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in
translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the
Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers
the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and
transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including
the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses
of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the
War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects
of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the
region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage
between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the
Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that
enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained
perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of
post-conflict international intervention developed.
This chapter examines the relationship between social justice, security and peace. The authors note significant internal heterogeneity in India and Europe, despite the statebuilding efforts in India and standardization processes in Europe. The authors give an overview of five sets of ideas which have linked social justice and peace. All five sets of ideas are showing that if social justice is taken seriously then social harmony will be preserved and at the same time tensions will be reduced, together with chances for conflict. However, they find that peace accords have a tendency to emphasize security rather than welfare. This is because international interventions are usually led by leading actors from the global north who are guided by neoliberal agenda. They usually underplay social aspects of the state and emphasise its security aspect. This is one of the reasons why priority is given to security over social justice, when sequencing of activities in the intervention. The authors give an example of reforms in Georgia which led to drastic undermining of state in terms of social provision. They conclude that international attempts which focus on social justice are much fewer in numbers than those which address security issues.