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, 22 vols. (London: HMSO, 1916–2003), hereafter CFR, 1272–1307, p. 230 (John’s name is listed as John de Eton). For more on the escheator’s implied frustration, see: Wendy J. Turner, ‘Silent Testimony: Emotional Displays and Lapses in Memory as Indicators of Mental Instability in Medieval English Investigations’, in Madness in Medieval Law and Custom, edited by Wendy J. Turner (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 81–96, pp. 86–87. 2 For current equivalencies, see: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition, DSM-5, ‘Section II: Diagnostic
Mark Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages: the History and Theory of England’s Economic Development (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 26–30; Richard Goddard, Credit and Trade in Later Medieval England, 1353–1532 (London: Palgrave, 2016), pp. 97–129; Anthony Musson, Medieval Law in Context: The Growth of Legal Consciousness from the Magna Carta to the Peasants’ Revolt (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), pp. 84–120. 11 For example, Maryanne Kowaleski, ‘Women’s work
assume that an expropriation apparently done by a king or lord was not thought at the time to be done on behalf of the community he ruled and after consultation with men who spoke on its behalf. The early medieval law codes do not seem to say anything about expropriation, but one reason for that may be that there was relatively little need for direct, total expropriation, as opposed, for instance, to the
’. 56 The sin against God in rejecting the gift of life was patent and punished as a mortal sin in the eyes of the Church. 57 The offence against the king is vaguer. 58 Gwen and Alice Seabourne comment that authors addressing medieval law and suicide have often dismissed it as ‘either a harsh regime which is driven by unforgiving religious precepts or a royal revenue raising exercise’. 59 In
creative adaptation provided by the Bible, especially the Old Testament, within early medieval law, liturgy and religious practice. In a happy turn of phrase characteristic of Mayke’s remarkable feel for language, she described this as an ‘elective affinity, based on a perceived similarity and continuity between the biblical past and the present’.9 The cultural transformation that such absorption of the Bible into early medieval thought entailed was further developed in relation to Carolingian politics in other articles, such as her classic studies of Hrabanus Maurus and
of Edward the Black Prince , pp. 1–3. 17 Giuseppi, ‘Alien merchants’; Cunningham, Alien Immigrants , pp. 65–134. Note that Cunningham remained unaware of the alien subsidies. 18 Parry, British Nationality Law . 19 Kim, Aliens in Medieval Law ; Summerson, ‘Foreigners and felony’; Jenks, ‘Justice for strangers’. 20 Thrupp, ‘Survey’. For an earlier case study, see Redstone, ‘Alien settlers in Ipswich’. 21 Thrupp, ‘Aliens in and around
medieval law courts, and much of the court’s work was concerned with deciding in what ways the parties should be allowed or required to prove their case. By the twelfth century, the old Saxon trial by ordeal was no longer used and the Norman innovation of trial by battle had faded away from disputes over freehold land, after the introduction by Henry II of the Grand Assize as an alternative to battle. Trial by combat survived in the old procedure of appeal of felony, but this too had fallen into disuse after the reign of Henry II. Of the ancient methods of proof which
treated in connection with congenital deafness, its relative omission here is hardly surprising. Evidence outside the medical texts, however, suggests that such deafness was met, at least in some documented instances, with compassion and acceptance. Beyond Bald’s Leechbook The insights from Bald’s Leechbook offer meaningful context for references to hearing and deafness outside the medical texts as well. As we shall see, early medieval law codes, for instance, show support for those experiencing deafness or
is through the records of town courts that we are able to identify women as traders and consumers, their role in crafts and business, aspects of their interpersonal relationships, claims over property and their illegal activities. But despite this, town courts are often only discussed in passing in histories of medieval law, categorised as ‘borough courts’ among lists of various non-royal courts, with little attention paid to how they operated in practice. Though they were certainly not the most powerful courts in England
country: A comparison of the treatment of the mentally disabled in late medieval English common law and chartered boroughs’, in W. Turner (ed.), Madness in Medieval Law and Custom (Boston: Brill, 2010), p. 22. 23 Ibid ., p. 35. 24 Ibid ., pp. 35–7. 25 The following description of the Court of Wards is based on Chapter 2 , ‘Court Procedure’, of Neugebauer, ‘Mental Illness and Government Policy’, pp. 30–86. 26 Ibid ., p. 33. 27 76 E