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Steven Earnshaw

Barleycorn exacts. No friend of his ever escapes making the just, due payment’, p.  8, but in his own case, having once experienced the temptation of suicide under the influence of drink, he is dismissive of ‘quick’ suicide. 12 A similar double notion of selfhood is present in Martin Eden. The Bodley Head Jack London 3 (London:  The Bodley Head 1965 [1909]). For the first part of the novel we have the self-​made man, who comes good as a writer through hard work, earning the respect of the respectable (middle-​ class) world. The second half, though, turns its back on this

in The Existential drinker
Open Access (free)
Strangers among citizens

. 10 There needs to be an awareness that not all Romani minorities can be necessarily labelled as marginalised as not all Roma belong to the most impoverished social class. However, marginalisation works on multiple levels and is not limited only to social class. As some scholars have shown in their work, educated middle-class Roma can face various shades of marginalisation. For example, Durst and Nyírő ( 2018 ) have shown that educated Romani women often feel marginalised both from the majority society and from their

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Abstract only
From orthodox ‘populism studies’ to critical theory
Paul K. Jones

with ‘moralism’. While the provenance of ‘status politics’ was quasi-Weberian on Bell's later account, there is a further Weberian explanation in Bell for such moralism embedded within the status politics thesis. In his contribution to The New American Right , Bell briefly explores the exceptional features of US moralism. He cautiously adopts Ranulf's proposition that moral indignation is a product of repressed envy in middle-class psychology as a kind of fellow travelling variant of the status politics thesis. Bell rejects the view that the USA

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Towards a selective tradition
Paul K. Jones

film stresses the ambivalence he sought in all the characterizations and plot developments. The contrast with his film on antisemitism ten years before, Gentlemen's Agreement , could not be greater. In 1999 Kazan considered the latter ‘agit prop on a middle-class level’ that performed a worthy task for its time but made no sense to those who had experienced later periods of antisemitism. Exposure there had aimed to do no more than provoke a guilty liberal WASP conscience. In contrast, Face has usually been regarded as prescient politically as well, including by

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Open Access (free)
Time and space
Saurabh Dube

. Fourth and finally, these orientations toward authority and alterity found different but overlapping expressions as part of Satnami organizational endeavors within Indian nationalism, especially as I sieved middle-class presumptions through subaltern imaginaries in these arenas, thereby revealing alternative glimmers of legality and legitimacy, politics and nation(s). 36 At the core of my research, then

in Subjects of modernity
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

can no longer play the war card,’ this argument is still salient in the Ukraine. 92 Snyder observes that ‘it is the simple desire for peace, and the achievement of peace, that makes the European Union attractive in Kiev and elsewhere’ outside of the EU’s West European core. Notwithstanding the massive recession and ongoing economic crisis of banking, finance, and sovereign debt, even the prosperity argument still has legs. Snyder observes that for many young, middle-class Ukrainians, the EU association agreement ‘seemed to hold out … a symbolic assurance that a

in Memory and the future of Europe
Peter J. Verovšek

the German middle class, the credibility of the Weimar Republic, and German faith in democracy in the aftermath of the First World War. The lessons of German collective memory contained within these experiences were institutionalised within the conservative, inflation-fighting mandate of the ECB. However, despite its historical grounding, the deployment of this narrative has been highly strategic. Like most uses of negative memory, it takes historical events out of context and deploys the lessons of the past in a divisive way to pin the blame on out-groups (Greece

in Memory and the future of Europe