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Nodes, ties and worlds
Nick Crossley

In the previous chapter, I suggested that music worlds are social networks, or more precisely – as the festival network demonstrated – distinctive clusters within the broader network comprising the musical universe. Musicking is interaction, but not just dyadic interaction. It is collective action involving multiple parties whose interactions and relations concatenate, simultaneously drawing upon and generating a wider network. All musicking belongs to this network, but it is possible to identify distinct clusters of activity – sub-networks – within it

in Connecting sounds
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Nick Crossley

themes, from meaning, taste and identity, through social division, cohesion and the dynamics of economic and political life, to the various social worlds (‘music worlds’ as I call them) which form around different clusters of musical interactivity. Underlying all of this, however, is a relational conception of both social life and music. There are several competing versions of ‘relational sociology’ in the literature (Depelteau and Powell 2013 ), with the perspectives of Born (e.g. 2010a ) and Bourdieu ( 1984, 1993 ) proving particularly influential within music

in Connecting sounds
Musicking in social space
Nick Crossley

, I extend my argument, suggesting that music worlds, as defined in Chapters 4 and 5 , are positioned within social space. Much of the discussion in the chapter is focused upon the impact of wider social divisions upon music and the tendency of music to reproduce those divisions. I conclude the chapter, however, with a discussion of the ways in which music can provide a way of bridging and challenging social divisions. As noted, the chapter revisits the concept of taste, discussed in the previous chapter, focusing now upon its social distribution. It is

in Connecting sounds
Capitalism, industry and the mainstream
Nick Crossley

economy. The great depression in the US in the early 1930s decimated its recording industry, for example, with the result that some genres – notably ‘race records’ – ceased to be recorded at all for a number of years. In a different vein, the decline of manufacturing in the UK during the 1970s and resultant closure of warehouses and factories made useful spaces available to musicians at cheap prices, providing a resource which contributed significantly to a number of the celebrated music worlds of the early 1980s (Cohen 2007 ; Crossley 2015a ). I am not

in Connecting sounds
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Something rich and strange

Manchester: Something rich and strange challenges us to see the quintessential post-industrial city in new ways. Bringing together twenty-three diverse writers and a wide range of photographs of Greater Manchester, it argues that how we see the city can have a powerful effect on its future – an urgent question given how quickly the urban core is being transformed. The book uses sixty different words to speak about the diversity of what we think of as Manchester – whether the chimneys of its old mills, the cobbles mostly hidden under the tarmac, the passages between terraces, or the everyday act of washing clothes in a laundrette. Unashamedly down to earth in its focus, this book makes the case for a renewed imaginative relationship that recognises and champions the fact that we’re all active in the making and unmaking of urban spaces.

Nick Crossley

10 The small world of British post-punk Music worlds exist on different scales: local, national, international and increasingly (since the turn of the century) virtual (Bennett and Peterson 2004). With the exception of Chapter 7, which examined the way in which punk ‘went national’ as an effect of broadcast media and moral panic, my focus in this book has been upon local worlds. The local was very important to both punk and post-punk in a number of ways. Musicking is always local in one respect: it  happens somewhere, in a particular locality (although

in Networks of sound, style and subversion
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A history of northern soul

This book is a social history of northern soul. It examines the origins and development of this music scene, its clubs, publications and practices, by locating it in the shifting economic and social contexts of the English midlands and north in the 1970s. The popularity of northern soul emerged in a period when industrial working-class communities were beginning to be transformed by deindustrialisation and the rise of new political movements around the politics of race, gender and locality. The book makes a significant contribution to the historiography of youth culture, popular music and everyday life in post-war Britain. The authors draw on an expansive range of sources including magazines/fanzines, diaries, letters, and a comprehensive oral history project to produce a detailed, analytical and empathetic reading of an aspect of working-class culture that was created and consumed by thousands of young men and women in the 1970s. A range of voices appear throughout the book to highlight the complexity of the role of class, race and gender, locality and how such identities acted as forces for both unity and fragmentation on the dance floors of iconic clubs such as the Twisted Wheel (Manchester), the Torch (Stoke-on-Trent), the Catacombs (Wolverhampton) and the Casino (Wigan).

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Jenna C. Ashton

the archive, Thomas rubs shoulders with the great and the good of the music world, but his own creativity was (is) often negated. His influences of craft, folk customs, nature, speech and dialect have fallen foul of the curse of regionality. Alice’s own story is one of Lancashire mill owners, a Russian childhood and escape from revolution to England. She offers us her own teenage stories in typed script: ‘With the help of a diary I kept as a girl in Russia, I have put together some recollections of those days.’ Her remembrances are domestic – mealtimes, local woods

in Manchester
Embedded, embodied and multivalent
Nick Crossley

. This is not only a matter of the sheer existence of music, but also its wider meanings and value. It is somewhat ironic that classical music scholarship should reduce music to sonic properties given the pomp and ritual that typically frames classical music performance, from the hushed silence of the audience to the superior air of the conductor and the reverence of commentators and teachers. Every music world has framing conventions, however. Classical music is not alone. And these conventions vary markedly between worlds, as Finnegan ( 1989 ) demonstrates. The

in Connecting sounds
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A review of existing accounts
Nick Crossley

these. We should also remember that punk was a music world rather than a social–political movement. It was fuelled by a love of music and the excitement and sensuous pleasure of musicking. Some groups, notably the Clash, expressed a political message in some of their songs but this was not true of even a majority of the early groups, as Laing’s survey suggests. And even the Clash are better described as musicians who wrote protest songs rather than political activists. The pioneer punks did not take up instruments and form bands in order to protest their alienation

in Networks of sound, style and subversion