Search results
, giving audiences annual access to their sovereign as part of a mediated ritual. Again, ordinary and extraordinary coalesced through direct contact with the Queen from inside Buckingham Palace, who said ‘I very much hope … that this new medium will make my Christmas message more personal and direct … I welcome you to the peace of my own home’. 84 Developments in monarchy's relationship to television are best illustrated in the 1969 BBC–ITV documentary Royal Family , directed by
Early in 2014, a minor controversy arose in New Zealand when the Maori King, Tuheitia Paki, rejected a proposed visit by the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge to his headquarters at Turangawaewae, Ngaruawahia, as part of the royal couple’s tour of the country. There was no shortage of interest in a meeting between the two royal families. The problem was that the ninety minutes
hold over Hong Kong people the royal family might continue to enjoy would be entirely unofficial. Prior to 1967, the colonial government did not systematically use the monarchy as a legitimisation tool, partly because it took a fairly casual attitude towards public relations more broadly. To be sure, royal iconography was present, for example on coins, stamps and statues, or through royal patronage of social clubs and learned societies – the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club perhaps the most famous example. Jan Morris has stated that the ‘monarchical status’ of Hong
7 The potatoes speak for themselves: regicide, radicalism and George IV, 1811–30 Threats to the security of the Royal Family in the period following the closure of the French wars were more overtly associated with radical republican discourse than they had been in the preceding century. The shift in emphasis was not unconnected with the coinciding Regency and accession to the throne of the Prince of Wales. For the hugely unpopular George IV, the miracle of apotheosis was still pending at the time of his father’s death in 1820. ‘Whenever the Prince drove out in
another. Regino’s interest in this phenomenon may in part derive from his first-hand experience in dealing with Hugh, a member of the royal family who was relegated to a life in a monastery. Moreover, the monastic community of Prüm had a long tradition of accepting members of the royal family into their ranks – from a retiring, aged emperor to young, ambitious princes who entered the monastery for rebelling against their fathers and uncles. Many stories about these illustrious members of the community must have circulated in Prüm and perhaps some elements of Carloman
public expects of her. Members of the royal family are in an entirely different situation. Their role is to symbolize the unity of a nation; to provide an element of continuity in a necessarily changing society. This is history, not The Archers , 1 and their affairs ought to be treated as such. 2 Thirty years
journeys undertaken by members of royal families, including ones deposed from their thrones. It demonstrates the way in which experiences and impressions during a tour, such as Napoléon’s brief first visit to Algeria, contributed to the formulation of policy, and how that second tour both revealed and obscured conflicts inherent in colonialism. Napoléon III did not just reign, he ruled, and the tours of a near dictatorial monarch
like other folks.’3 The Nicholson affair was a perfect vehicle for the interlinking of healing processes within both the Royal Family and the nation. If the King had been killed, wrote an anonymous pamphleteer, the blow would have been fatal to the nation as well as to ‘his most amiable family by whom he is perfectly adored; and never did a husband, a father or a master of a family deserve more truly their love, esteem, respect and admiration’.4 Despite the efforts of opposition papers to paint the post-Nicholson reunion of King and Prince as a botched affair in
inside an altar, which henceforth took the name of the person venerated. In some cases the bishop rededicated the church where this translation took place to include the name of the new saint, which we have seen was the case at Saint-Mattia of Cremona in 1493. The list of saints proclaimed in Western Europe between the ninth and twelfth centuries demonstrates clearly that its membership was drawn almost exclusively from the minuscule proportion of the population at the very pinnacle of society: royal families, noble families, and high
, entertainments and hospitality relating to visits from members of the royal family and other non-civic dignitaries, although on those infrequent occasions the set-up was very similar to the approach taken over mayoral Shows.3 The costs of the Shows fell to individual Company members, whose putative contribution was assessed: for example, in 1604 the highest rank of the Bachelors of the Haberdashers’ Company who were going to be ‘in foins’ (wearing pine-marten fur) paid a charge of £3 6s each, those wearing the more lowly ‘Budge’ (lambs’ wool) £2 10s, and the other members