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families or had seen their parents killed … [a]lmost all had suffered sexual violence, and many had given birth after being raped’. Jolie, moreover, observed that the talent of the refugee women ‘goes to waste because people are not allowed to work or are not able to work’ ( Cohn, 2018 ). Thus, the neoliberal logic of privileging the lack of work over other forms of inequalities is present in Jolie’s problem representation. Jolie
. Figure 1: Selected by Zuzia Danielski, IMPACT. ‘Sewing Studio’. ‘Residents gather inside a makeshift sewing studio in the village of Mangango, on 3 March 2014. SOFEPADI [Solidarité Féminine pour la Paix et le Développement Intégral / Female Solidarity for Integrated Peace and Development] initiated the sewing workshops to provide psychosocial and economic support in an area of North Kivu where sexual violence had been on the rise due to armed conflict between the Congolese forces and rebels.’ Danielski, who worked to prepare the physical exhibition in London in
. Even when humanitarians rely on stock iconographies of suffering, they always do so in light of specific aims and in a particular context coloured by a background culture. For example, in ‘The Limits of Exposure’, Kevin Grant captures how the moral milieu of reformers and their audience colours the content and mode of disseminating images. He focuses on how gender norms affected when and how sexual violence was or was not portrayed in photographs and narratives by the Congo
the genocide. In Sacrifice as Terror , Christopher Taylor explores the logic of sexual violence within Rwandan cultural conceptions of Tutsi beauty and seductiveness ( Taylor, 1999 ). Both Jennie Burnet’s Genocide Lives in Us and Marie Berry’s War, Women, and Power are focused primarily on women in post-genocide Rwanda, but both nevertheless provide greater detail on the experience of women in the genocide that remains consistent with Des Forges’ analysis ( Berry, 2018 ; Burnet, 2013 ). In a series of publications, Philip Verwimp applies the tools of economics
1990s when, after widespread sexual violence in the second Republic of the Congo civil war, an internal discussion led to the creation of specific mechanisms for treating female rape victims. 19 As for the child soldier issue, as historian Jean-Hervé Jézéquel has noted, it was long ‘the preserve of humanitarian organisations’ (Human Rights Watch and Save the Children, in particular) before the prohibition of this phenomenon was incorporated into a number
to prosecute war criminals. In Sudan, for instance, the French and the Dutch sections were expelled in 2009 for cooperating with the International Criminal Court. The two sections had earlier published reports documenting mass killings and sexual violence, which were used as evidence by the Court to indict the then Sudanese President, Omar Al-Bashir, for war crimes and crimes against humanity ( Weissman, 2011 : 195). At the same time, governments were now using NGO
. Strand 1: Knowledge Production Within the humanitarian sector, numbers are generally treated as scientific facts that tap into an objective ontological reality. While this has been documented across different fields of humanitarianism ( Beerli, 2017a ; Eramian, 2019 ; Fukuda-Parr and McNeill, 2019 ), it has been most comprehensively demonstrated by Sally Merry (2016 : 3) in The Seductions of Quantification . She argues that global indicators, covering sexual
( Enloe, 2004 : chapter 12). More relevantly, gender norms shape specific violent behaviour of concern to humanitarian actors, such as sexual violence during conflict ( Enloe, 2004 : chapter 7). Despite the growing recognition of the impact of culture on the behaviour of primary duty bearers (e.g. Terry and McQuinn, 2018 ), humanitarian efforts remain confined to engaging primary duty bearers themselves, and to influencing specific forms of
missions is the threat of sexual abuse by peace keepers ( Westendorf and Searle, 2017 : 365–8). Research carried out by the Women’s Humanitarian Network and the NGO Report the Abuse (established to draw attention to sexual violence in the aid industry in 2015, but forced to close in 2017 due to lack of funding) found that ‘male colleagues within humanitarian aid agencies perpetrated the largest proportion of the reported sexual harassment and assault’ of female aid workers ( Mazurana and
. Sandvik , K. B. ( 2018 ), ‘ Technology, Dead Male Bodies, and Feminist Recognition: Gendering ICT Harm Theory’ , Australian Feminist Law Journal , 44 : 1 , 49 – 69 . Sandvik , K. B. ( 2019 ), ‘ Technologizing the Fight against Sexual Violence: A Critical Scoping’, PRIO Paper (Oslo: PRIO