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P. G. Wodehouse, transatlantic romances in fiction, and the Anglo-American relationship
Finn Pollard

-American Centenary Projects and the Lincoln Statue Controversy, 1910–1927, ’ in T. G. Otte , The Age of Anniversaries: The Cult of Commemoration, 1895–1925 ( London : Routledge , 2018 ), 126 – 146 . 69 Grey of Fallodon, Twenty-Five Years: 1892–1916 ( London : Hodder & Stoughton , 1926 ), Vol. II, 85 . The whole chapter (pp. 83 – 98 ) is instructive on the relationship. See also David G. Haglund , ‘ Is There a “Strategic Culture” of the Special Relationship? Contingency, Identity, and the Transformation of Anglo-American Relations, ’ in Alan P. Dobson and

in Culture matters
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German–Israeli relations between past and future
Lorena De Vita

– including, but not limited to, the German–Israeli case – are not defined by overall constant harmony. Rather, they are supported by the existence of cooperative frameworks that allow countries or groups to manage or resolve differences. As later events illustrate only too well, the formalisation of diplomatic relations between the Federal Republic and Israel in 1965 did not reduce the difficulties characterising much of the ‘special relationship’. These included the mutual recriminations in the wake of the 1973 war; 35 sorrow and outrage following the massacre of the

in Israelpolitik
Open Access (free)
Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

implications for the Johnson–Wilson relationship, as it saw the devaluation of sterling and the demise of the remaining British commitment East of Suez. As 1968 ended, the White House was more inclined to regard Britain simply as one ally among many, rather than a state with whom there was some kind of ‘specialrelationship. The Anglo-American relationship, 1964–68 There has been the suggestion that the Anglo

in A ‘special relationship’?
Abstract only
Steven Kettell

2 Old and new British foreign policy after 1945 evolved within a strategic context of progressive imperial and economic decline, Continental moves towards the integration of Europe, and the ‘special relationship’ with the US. One of its central aspects, as the post-war period unfolded, was a desire on the part of British governments to establish closer ties with the US as a means of compensating for Britain’s decline as an independent Great Power. Yet relations with both Europe and the US remained variable during this time, and the problems of decolonisation and

in New Labour and the new world order
Abstract only
The a-chronology of medieval film
Bettina Bildhauer
Anke Bernau

filmic techniques they frequently show, for instance, anachronisms, time stoppages, time travel and cyclical time. In this introduction we will trace the special relationship to temporality that characterises medieval film to its roots in the overlap of medievalism, film history and film theory. Though frequently not taken seriously by film scholars or medievalists, medieval films are pivotal in challenging both

in Medieval film
Abstract only
Steven Kettell

played by the arch-enemy of the US in the conflict, focusing either on the al-Qaeda network, on its leader, Osama bin Laden, or on the phenomena of radical Islamic terrorism more generally.3 Set against this, analyses of Britain’s role in the war on terror, though vastly smaller in number, have been similarly variegated. Generally speaking, the focus has centred on specific aspects of Britain’s ­ participation, New Labour and the new world order such as the nature of the ‘special relationship’ with the US or its involvement in Afghanistan or Iraq,4 or has set out to

in New Labour and the new world order
Thomas Robb

preferential treatment in its dealings with the IMF so it could maintain its defence commitments. In essence, when the Labour government of James Callaghan needed the US–UK’s special relationship to deliver material benefits, it came up rather short. The context of the IMF crisis Whilst this chapter is focused predominantly upon the political–diplomatic US–UK relationship, the economic context to the IMF crisis needs to be explained in order to contextualise the wider political issue. Throughout 1974–76, the Wilson government had implemented a series of public expenditure

in A strained partnership?
Frankenstein, neo-Victorian fiction, and the palimpsestuous literary past
Jamie Horrocks

’s novel. Perhaps Steffen Hantke had this in mind when he observed that a special relationship seems to exist between Shelley’s Frankenstein and modern writers of neo-Victorian fiction (250). While some of the most famous neo-Victorian texts (works like William Gibson and Bruce Sterling’s The Difference Engine , Neal Stephenson’s The Diamond Age , or Alan Moore’s League of Extraordinary Gentlemen ) make no reference to Shelley’s Creature, many other pieces bear out Hantke’s observation, including the two texts on which this chapter will

in Adapting Frankenstein
Stephen Gundle

cut his political teeth; the affinity between Mussolini and his home region of Emilia-Romagna; the semi-clientelistic special relationship that was sought and to some extent obtained by Bari; and, finally, the visit the Duce undertook to Sardinia in 1942, at a time when mass support was rapidly ebbing. The Duce and place All the biographies of Mussolini published under the regime stressed his humble roots in the Romagna region. The author of the most official text, Giorgio Pini, stated that he ‘hailed from one of the most proletarian provinces in Italy, where the

in The cult of the Duce
David Arter

2002: 5) and do not have an independent foreign policy, Iceland is best regarded as the smallest of the European small states. It is the only Nordic state never to have applied for membership of the European Community (EC)/European Union (EU) and, distinctively in the region, has a special relationship with the United States through its 1951 Defence Agreement (Thorhallsson 2004). Altogether, the population of Norden today is just under 25 million (table 1.1). Each boasting well over 5 million inhabitants, Denmark and Finland have populations about the same size as

in Scandinavian politics today