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Wilhelm Vosse and Paul Midford

European Integration , 38(7): 791–806. Hamilton, D., 2014. ‘The Transatlantic Pivot’, in Roy, S., Cooper, D. and Murphy, B. M. (eds), Transatlantic Relations and Modern Diplomacy: An Interdisciplinary Examination (New York: Routledge), p. 81f. Ikenberry, J. and Inoguchi, T. (eds), 2013. Reinventing the Alliance: US – Japan Security Partnership in an Era of Change (New York: Palgrave Macmillan). Midford, P., 2010. ‘Historical Memory versus Democratic Reassurance: The Security Relationship between Japan

in Japan's new security partnerships
Carla Monteleone and Kseniya Oksamytna

administration under President Trump that caused the tensions in transatlantic relations, the UK's decision to leave the EU that reduced its role as a transmission belt of EU states’ interests, and an increase in competition within the international system, a reduction in the strength and coherence of the transatlantic coalition in the Security Council lowered the political cost of opposing the US's proposals for Russia and China. Table 2.2 Sponsorship of draft resolutions on

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Arantza Gómez Arana

: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer , pp. 1–18 . Pinheiro , L. and Gaio , G. ( 2014 ). “ Cooperation for development, Brazilian regional leadership and global protagonism ”, Brazilian Political Science Review 8 ( 2 ), 8–30 . Epub September.

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Mørten Bøås, Bård Drange, Dlawer Ala'Aldeen, Abdoul Wahab Cissé, and Qayoom Suroush

. Their entry was – as often is the case – more based on their readiness to supply rather than meet Afghanistan’s needs ( Peters et al ., 2018 ). When the United States increased deployment around 2006, moreover, the EU faced a dilemma: not sending any forces (and damaging transatlantic relations) or launching a civilian EU mission ( Peters et al ., 2018 ). Member

in The EU and crisis response
Michael Baun

administration’s views of Europe and impact on transatlantic relations, see Stelzenmüller ( 2019 ).

in Defending Eastern Europe
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transitions and challenges
Stanley R. Sloan

Christopher called “the problem from hell.” 50 Transatlantic relations over Bosnia policy were also troubled by the fact that the United States saw and understood the conflict largely as one involving an aggressor—the Bosnian Serbs, supported by Serbia—against the much weaker Bosnian Muslims. The Europeans, for the most part, believed the conflict should be seen as a civil war in which all parties were to blame. These two different interpretations of the conflict produced divergent policy preferences. The approach to the conflict favored by many members of the US Congress

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Stanley R. Sloan

the face of congressional skepticism. The United States and France continued through much of the alliance’s first 70 years to pursue different visions for the future of transatlantic relations, but into the second decade of the twenty-first century new leaders in Washington (President Barack Obama) and Paris (Presidents Nicolas Sarkozy and then François Hollande) narrowed the gap between American and French attitudes. In Europe, France still worries about Germany, but now it is a reunited Germany’s “soft” power and its pacifistic tendencies that trouble Paris the

in Defense of the West (second edition)
The external image of Germany’s foreign policy
Siegfried Schieder

ongoing eurozone crisis, the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, the migration crisis as well as the uncertain development of European integration and transatlantic relations after ‘Brexit’ and the Trump presidency have pushed ‘German foreign policy into an international leadership role’, although Germany had not ‘actively sought such a role’. 97 Germany did not seek ‘greater responsibility in Europe after reunification’; rather, it emerged as a central player ‘by remaining stable as the world around it changed’. 98 However, the growing international demands on German

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Balancing, accommodation or driver of change?
María J. García

critical mechanism for the advancement of other aspects of the EU–Latin American relations agenda, and a cornerstone defining the evolution of transatlantic relations. Context of negotiations: geo-economic balancing President Obama's administration (2008–16) pursued an intense trade agreement policy, with a particular focus on setting the rules of trade through ambitious mega-regional agreement negotiations: the TPP with eleven other states in the Americas, Asia and Australasia, and the TTIP with the European Union. Billed as game

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

1990), pp. 47–67; and Gary Goertz, Contexts of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 75–81. 24 2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 25 Eurasian security governance 22 See Jervis, ‘Theories of War’; and John Duffield, ‘Transatlantic Relations after the Cold War: Theory, Evidence, and the Future’, International Studies Perspectives, 2:1 (2001), pp. 93–115. 23 Robert Jervis, ‘Cooperation under the Security Dilemma’, World Politics, 30:2 (1978), pp. 167–214. 24 Cited in Duncan Snidal, ‘Relative Gains and the Pattern of

in Limiting institutions?