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the increased security environment in the region, it also suggests that, contrary to PRC rhetoric, there was no violent ‘terrorist threat’ to the security of China at this time. However, it was also clear that the situation in the Uyghur 141 ROBERTS 9781526147684 PRINT (MUP).indd 141 11/06/2020 14:12 THE WAR ON THE UYGHURS region was ­ increasingly tense. Han in-migration was expanding, Han-focused urban re-development was dislocating many Uyghurs and removing signs of Uyghur culture from the landscape, and the state was increasingly adopting assimilationist

in The war on the Uyghurs
Peter Jones

encompass the awarding of council contracts. Additionally, he recommended the establishment of a code of conduct for all councillors.72 The Royal Commission on Standards of Conduct chaired by Lord Salmon was equally wide ranging, but its effectiveness was compromised by the disagreement between Lords Houghton and Salmon. The former believed that ‘this mischief [corruption] lies at the numerous meeting points along the boundary between public service and private interests’. Houghton recognised correctly the importance of urban redevelopment and its role in the economy

in From virtue to venality
Abstract only
Class, locality and British punk
Matthew Worley

where growing youth unemployment, ill-conceived urban redevelopment and notable levels of immigration combined with the wider economic problems facing Britain in the 1970s and early 1980s, as in London’s East End, parts of the West Midlands and Yorkshire, so the NF and BM made inroads.55 Significantly, too, the politicisation of youth culture led to some cultural identities being bound up with an affinity to the NF or BM. In particular, an element within the revived skinhead Class, locality and British punk -43- movement aligned itself to the far right, sometimes

in Fight back
Denting the mould: 1979–83
Tudor Jones

other political creeds. 99 From a similar perspective, some of the leading Liberal community politicians had already underlined what they considered to be the major shortcomings of British social democracy. In their eyes these lay in its pursuit of economic growth regardless of the environmental consequences, in its bureaucratic and technocratic approach and ethos, and, specifically, in the housing and urban redevelopment policies and programmes implemented by Labour-controlled councils. In the light, therefore, of the emergence of the new

in The uneven path of British Liberalism
Tudor Jones

local communities. That insensitivity was probably most apparent during this period in decision-making in the fields of housing and urban redevelopment. Community politics was also a critical response to developments in British society, such as the growth of large-scale institutions and organisations, and the steadily increasing bureaucratisation of society, with its centralising and dehumanising effects. In the face of those developments, community politics was therefore, as another of its Liberal practitioners later wrote, ‘an attempt to regenerate democracy and

in The uneven path of British Liberalism
Edward Ashbee

more isolated and detached from the social fabric than in the past (Putnam, 2000 ). Changes in the character of party organisation may also have played a part. In the past, neighbourhood party organisers encouraged turnout. However, urban redevelopment swept away the cohesive and relatively homogeneous neighbourhoods in the inner-city areas, and there are far fewer party activists at precinct and county level. Others argue that the very large number of elections discourages turnout. Voters, they say, become bored

in US politics today (fourth edition)
Celia Hughes

or less than themselves. From such awareness often came the realisation that ‘their lives were controlled by more powerful people’ who acted seemingly without care for those below them.15 Sue Bruley grew up in a newly built Surrey council estate close to Epsom Downs race course. The working-class estate was part of the extensive post-war urban redevelopment that included council housing programmes financed from government subsidies paid to local authorities. Sue’s parents took part in the working-class migration from inner cities to suburbs situated in the New

in Young lives on the Left
Celia Hughes

selfdetermination, support and trust they had envisaged for the group and Camden Town at a point of transition in traditional working-class London communities. In 1969 –71 CMPP members were amongst an array of metropolitan grass-roots activists protesting against the urban redevelopment schemes displacing old communities and exacerbating the homeless crisis.44 For Sue Crockford, Queen’s Crescent market was an emblem of the mythic community CMPP envisaged. She understood it as one of the few ‘egalitarian places’ allowing for ‘normal human transactions regardless of class’, and

in Young lives on the Left
Celia Hughes

thing’; living it out was ‘quite another’. The new collective life Beyond the Tufnell Park milieu, however, other ‘non-aligned’ men and women more readily embraced collective living as part of the ‘avalanche of new ideas’ guiding social and subjective transformation.55 By the early 1970s the rapid growth of the WLM saw loose assortments of left libertarians mushrooming across relatively poor, working-class provincial and metropolitan areas; in north, east and south London the post-war urban redevelopment schemes made run-down Victorian terrace housing empty and

in Young lives on the Left