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A history of immigration to modern Britain and Germany: national and local perspectives
Sarah Hackett

–18. See Ceri Peach, West Indian Migration to Britain: A Social Geography (London, 1968); Colin Holmes, John Bull’s Island: Immigration and British Society, 1871–1971 (Basingstoke, 1988); and Panikos Panayi, An Immigration History of Britain: Multicultural Racism since 1800 (Harlow, 2010). 3940 Foreigners, minorities and integration:Layout 1 Introduction 22/4/13 10:18 Page 5 5 There is also an abundant body of literature detailing the features of Germany’s post-war guest-worker system and the initial experiences of foreign workers.13 Guest-workers began arriving

in Foreigners, minorities and integration
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The making of an iconic British journey
Tony Kushner

has termed ‘the Black Atlantic’,82 the tendency beyond Lord Kitchener has been to domesticate and confine it to a specifically British landscape. Thus ‘Windrush Square’, in the heart of Brixton, opened in 2010, ‘symbolis[ing] the beginnings of modern British multiculturalism’. And far from being imposed from above, its nomenclature was the ‘popular choice’ of local residents, businesses and organisations.83 Windrush mythologies and silences Returning to June 1948, neither Cummings nor Lord Kitchener were fabricating their welcome and anticipation of arrival

in The battle of Britishness
Racism and alternative journeys into Britishness
Tony Kushner

been created in Brixton symbolising ‘the beginnings 198 Stowaways and others of modern British multicultural society’.79 Such celebration and inclusion has led the British National Party’s leader, Nick Griffin, articulating the politics of cultural despair, to view 1948 as the year ‘when Britain’s prelapsarian idyll ended’.80 Griffin’s views are not totally isolated and perhaps find some resonance within the right wing of mainstream British nationalism as articulated by the journalist and writer Roy Kerridge.81 It remains, however, taking British society and

in The battle of Britishness
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Writing the history of the ‘International’ Health Service
Julian M. Simpson

. Visram, Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History (London: Pluto Press, 2002); L. Lucassen, The Immigrant Threat: The Integration of Old and New Migrants in Western Europe since 1850 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2005); T. Kushner, Remembering Refugees: Then and Now (Manchester, New York: Manchester University Press, 2006); A. Burton, After the Imperial Turn: Thinking with and Through the Nation (Durham, North Carolina and London: Duke University Press, 2003); P. Panayi, An Immigration History of Britain: Multicultural Racism since 1800 (Harlow

in Migrant architects of the NHS
One Nation
Eunice Goes

Society, Labour had reasons to be worried about the UKIP insurgency. The flow of Labour votes to UKIP had the potential ‘to boost Conservative prospects in a large number of important marginal seats’.93 Managing diversity Miliband’s stance on immigration was directly related to the party’s approach to Britain’s ethnic and cultural diversity. In this area, Ed Miliband did not start on a blank page. Labour had been reassessing British multiculturalism since the racial riots of 2001 in the north-east of England, and since the debates on the radicalisation of young British

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband
Queering ethnicity and British Muslim masculinities in Sally El Hosaini’s My Brother the Devil (2012)
Alberto Fernández Carbajal

the strictures placed on queer Muslim desire. El Hosaini’s short film contrasts significantly with Sarif’s life-affirming examination of female homosexuality in a British multicultural context, offering the tragic flip-side of Muslim same-sex desire: whereas Sarif’s protagonists rebelled and distanced themselves from their families’ dogmatic positions on homosexuality, El Hosaini’s short film offers a more pessimistic resolution, showing the limited range of options offered to those Muslims who refuse to conform to their diasporic community’s societal and familial

in Queer Muslim diasporas in contemporary literature and film
Queer phenomenology, and cultural and religious commodifi cation in Hanif Kureishi’s My Beautiful Laundrette (1985) and The Buddha of Suburbia (1990)
Alberto Fernández Carbajal

’s cousin Tania. They seem to fit the more polymorphous and fluid term ‘queer’. Omar and Johnny’s bodies become intertwined in the human tapestry of British multiculturalism, a rebellion against what Amartya Sen perceives as the threat of contemporary British ‘plural monoculturalism’ ( 2006 , p. 157). However, the queer relations between Omar’s mixed-race diasporic body and Johnny’s white British body do not happen in a vacuum or in an alternative heuristic space reserved for queer dissidence; rather, they intimately engage their surroundings

in Queer Muslim diasporas in contemporary literature and film
Thomas Martin

populations and second- and third-generation Muslim communities, the disturbances led to a critique of the current state of British multiculturalism. It was argued, most notably in a Home Office report led by Professor Ted Cantle, that different ethnic communities had become ‘segregated’, lacking any common identity, with the authors ‘particularly struck by the depth of polarisation of our towns and cities’ (Home Office, 2001a : 9). Different communities living in the same city were, it was claimed, living ‘parallel lives

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity
Lee Jarvis and Michael Lister

holding values at odds with Western, secular, liberal values which threatens social cohesion and security. Meer and Modood ( 2009 : 481) sum this up nicely, identifying a ‘coupling of diversity and anti-terrorism agendas that has implicated contemporary British multiculturalism as the culprit of Britain’s security woes’. Yet, whilst some queue up to join in such requiems

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security
Islam and the contestation of citizenship
Shailja Sharma

United States and 7 July 2005 in London led to a rollback of some of these gains. Both events provoked questions anew about Islam and Britishness, with some on the right debating Muslims’ ability to coexist, some questioning whether British multiculturalism had led to a lack of integration and others insisting that violence wasn’t a natural part of Islam. Two organizations in the 1990s, one independent and one governmental, were central to the public debate that accompanied this change. The Runnymede Trust, a research and public policy agency established in 1968 and

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France