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Identities and incitements
Saurabh Dube

tradition, culture, and identity – are far from being primordial patterns or recalcitrant residues that modern and global processes of capital and consumption, reason and nation, and state and citizenship have been unable to stamp out. Rather, the pervasive presence of these concepts and resources indicates their renewed salience within schemes of modernity. Such salience and schemes are ever more

in Subjects of modernity
Peter J. Verovšek

citizenship within post-Westphalian arrangements.’ 56 This potential has not been lost; it has merely been overpowered by neoliberal interests that have been able use technocratic expertise to do what needs to be done to resolve the crisis brought on by the Great Recession. Instead of leading to passivity, European citizens must actively struggle to find ways to make the new social formations that define the continent’s relations at the start of the third millennium work for them by ‘guid[ing] some of the advantages of complexity towards the effective renewal and

in Memory and the future of Europe
Catherine Baker

their programme as demanding ‘Europe’, and Slovenia's pathway towards EU accession was indeed the Yugoslav region's quickest. 4 Amid a widening wealth gap between Slovenia and the south-eastern republics in the 1980s, Slovenian resentment towards economic migrants from these areas (especially Albanians and Roma, but also Macedonians and Serbs) – which Longinović ( 2011 : 98) called a ‘soft version of cultural racism’ itself – was already perceptible. Slovenia's citizenship law passed after independence in June 1991 wrote this hierarchy into legislation by requiring

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Looming constitutional conflicts between the de-centralist logic of functional diff erentiation and the bio-political steering of austerity and global governance
Darrow Schecter

paradigmatic right of political inclusion. Suffrage eventually evolved from limited, strictly qualified suffrage, based on property ownership, income, and education, to universal suffrage and unrestricted political inclusion. Political inclusion was complemented (and in some cases preceded) by diverse instances of state-​regulated socio-​economic inclusion which could be seen to fill out and complete political citizenship. Today, there is a lively debate as to whether this continued proliferation clearly signals a move towards society-​centred statehood, or if it is really

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Mark Olssen

speaking normatively in a way that makes him potentially homologous in important respects with Montesquieu and Ferguson. His advocacy of ‘inviolable laws’ and ‘unrestricted rights’ is repeated in several of his political statements addressed to specific issues. In a statement published in Libération in June 1984, on the occasion of the announcement in Geneva of the International Committee against Piracy, Foucault says: There exists an international citizenship that has its rights and its duties, and that obliges one to speak out against every abuse of power

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
Peter J. Verovšek

affected by these problems that they can change the conditions around them through active citizenship, instead of simply accepting them as passive consumers. The dangers of negative memory 7 Immediately following the onset of the crisis of the Eurozone in 2010, the logic of instrumental rationality led the member-states of northern Europe to take a principled stand against cross-border fiscal transfers. Citing the treaties and the inflation-fighting mandate of the ECB, Germany and the Netherlands defended their national-interest and the letter of European law to

in Memory and the future of Europe
Abstract only
Darrow Schecter

populism just touched upon, one wonders how long the mainstays of the post-​1945 order will be able to provide a stable framework. Civil society, a vibrant public sphere, strong trade unions, Keynesianism, social democratic parties with clearly identifiable electoral bases, and what Habermas refers to as the lifeworld all played a crucial role in stabilising democracies in North America, Western Europe, and other parts of the globe during the years 1945–​1989. These institutions were constituent dimensions of citizenship and political statehood, mediating between

in Critical theory and sociological theory
On the sociological paradoxes of weak dialectical formalism and embedded neoliberalism
Darrow Schecter

normally thought of as an integral part of a centralised state with a legally enforced monopoly on the legitimate use of force, and yet, at the same time, law is just one social system differentiated from all the other modern social systems, such as the economic, educational, political, and other systems. This is perhaps the most striking sociological corollary of the deconstruction of the mediated unity paradigm undertaken in ­chapter 1. The implications for prevailing notions of statehood, democracy, and citizenship have yet to be explored fully. Part of the complexity

in Critical theory and sociological theory
Abstract only
Allyn Fives

in its own right. And we can start with her higher self of active politics . One thing we can say straight off is that this notion has clear affinities with republican ideas of freedom. As she says in letter to Quentin Skinner written during 1991, the really ‘interesting’ question for republicans like him ‘is whether one can develop a theory and practice of citizenship that does not slight liberal notions of personal freedom, fairness and justice’ (quoted in Skinner 2019 , p. 261). We cannot buy republican freedoms at the cost of liberal protections. But will

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Rousseau as a constitutionalist
Mads Qvortrup

would be the breakdown of society, hence the necessity of political education – and even censorship. Not, it must be stressed, as a means of indoctrinating the citizens but rather as a mechanism for generating an understanding of social cohesion, and an appreciation of the fundamental maxim that there can be no rights without duties. Citizenship has to be taught. We must learn to strive for things that are greater than self-glory or personal gratification. The citizen must be given a sense that citizenship – in return for political and social rights – must serve the

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau