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Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has been significantly reoriented and retooled across the board. This process of change has been captured under two main labels. Internal adaptation is NATO-speak for looking at how the institution works, and whether it can be made to work better and more effectively. The process has embraced the possibility of creating procedures and structures whereby European member

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Keith Mc Loughlin

positions on the National Executive Committee whilst the annual party conference expressed its influence by committing the party to unilateral nuclear disarmament and industrial conversion. International relations between the superpowers had entered a dangerous phase, sometimes referred to as the ‘second Cold War’, and there was reason to suggest that the public was fearful of nuclear war as cruise missiles were placed on either side of the Iron Curtain. 6 This vision for peaceful production also chimed with the

in The British left and the defence economy
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

Dean Acheson entitled his memoirs Present at the Creation. Acheson argued that a new world order was created during the few, eventful years when he was US Secretary of State, between 1949 and 1953. His memoirs describe the consolidation of the bipolar, Cold War world – the world which is also presented in this chapter. The chapter aims to show how the Western Bloc, presided over by the USA, became pitted against the Eastern Bloc, dominated by the USSR. It records the formation and consolidation of the bipolar rivalry that dominated world affairs for

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)

The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.

Ann Sherif

v 8 v Hiroshima/Nagasaki, civil rights and anti-war protest in Japan’s Cold War Ann Sherif Twenty years after the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, the rest of the world had come to regard nuclear destruction as a function of the imagination, visually and rhetorically preparing for apocalypse, defining the looming threat as a permanent feature of modern life. In Hiroshima and Nagasaki, that global imagination co-existed uncomfortably with the living memories, the social challenges, and visible and hidden scars of the hibakusha (survivors of the atomic bombings

in Understanding the imaginary war
Bogdan Popa

Chapter 4 investigates the shift from a Cold War gender, as Money formulated it, to a new post-Cold War gender, which drew its inspiration from a Foucauldian-inspired research on power and sexuality. I continue not only to analyze the erasure of Marxist theory from theories of sexuality, but also to insist on historicizing this process both

in De-centering queer theory
Lars Nowak

v 12 v Images of nuclear war in US government films from the early Cold War Lars Nowak If one essential element of the Cold War was the terrifying imagination of a possible future war that would be fought with nuclear weapons, a particularly powerful means of articulating this emotionally charged fantasy was the medium of cinema, whose moving images and sounds are capable of lending preconceptions of the vividness of reality and thus evoking the spectator’s feelings in a very direct way. For this reason, a deeper look into cinematic representations of nuclear

in Understanding the imaginary war
Keith Mc Loughlin

democratic socialism that was unprecedented in its scale and left a legacy that subsequent Labour administrations would ‘struggle to emulate’. 4 But the Attlee government that founded the National Health Service (NHS) was the same one that commenced a rearmament programme when relations between the capitalist West and communist East deteriorated in the late 1940s. As well as creating a ‘New Jerusalem’ this government was also building a ‘new Sparta’ as the Cold War began. 5

in The British left and the defence economy
From Truman to Eisenhower (1948– 53)
Joseph Heller

turn the Middle East into a Cold War arena. Thus the State Department sought an alternative to partition, along the lines of an international trusteeship or federal state. 4 The Zionists responded that US–Soviet relations had never been perfect. 5 US forces outnumbered Soviet forces and there was no real danger of Soviet penetration. Canceling contracts with American oil companies would be suicidal for the Arab countries

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Testing the Memorandum of Understanding (1965–67)
Joseph Heller

could not attack. 14 At the same time, the escalating Vietnam War cast its shadow over the Cold War. Johnson needed to be persuaded, Israel suggested, that trust between the two countries had to be restored, perhaps in the form of the sale of Intruder planes. 15 Rodger Davies, Talbot’s deputy, admitted that only assurances of Israel’s security, with Egyptian acceptance, could persuade Israel to agree to

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67