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Richard Toye

Burness, ‘The Party and Women’, in Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party Since 1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 611–35, at 632. Churchill, women and the politics of gender139 83 Speech of 12 July 1910. 84 On anti-­ socialism, see David Thackeray, Conservatism for the Democratic Age: Conservative Cultures and the Challenge of Mass Politics in Early Twentieth Century England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013), chapter 9. 85 Richard Toye, Churchill’s Empire: The World That Made Him and the World

in Rethinking right-wing women
Adrian Bingham

Ball (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party Since 1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 615; Ina Zweiniger-­Bargielowska, ‘Explaining the Gender Gap: The Conservative Party and the Women’s Vote, 1945–1964’, in M. Francis and I.  Zweiniger-­Bargielowska (eds), The Conservatives and British Society 1880–1990 (1996), pp. 194–223; Amy Black and Stephen Brooke, ‘The Labour Party, Women and the Problem of Gender’, Journal of British Studies, 36 (1997), 419–52. 10 Black and Brooke, ‘The Labour Party, Women and the Problem of Gender’, 420. 11 Norris

in Rethinking right-wing women
Jeremy Nuttall and Hans Schattle

sense of active citizenship within the confines of the British state, and the Labour Party’s patchy electoral success in the so-called ‘Conservative century’. This book’s honorand, the political thinker, historian, politician and public intellectual David Marquand, ranks among the most perceptive in drawing attention to many of these challenges, most notably in his acclaimed 1991 book The Progressive Dilemma (Marquand, 1992: 24–5). These challenges are very real, yet the above picture is a partial one. It runs the risks both of conforming to the traditional tendency

in Making social democrats
Abstract only
Chandrika Kaul

and the New Liberalism (Cambridge, 1971), p. 6. 47 R. Cockett, ‘Party, publicity, and the media’, in A. Seldon and S. Bell (eds), Conservative Century ( 1994 ), p. 547. In 1910 Malcolm Fraser became the first press adviser to Conservative Central Office

in Reporting the Raj
The Conservative party and the idea of devolution, 1945-7
Matthew Cragoe

, 11, 19 March 1966. 124 WM, 20 March, 30 September 1967. 125 WM, 4 November 1967; Ken Young, ‘The party and English local government’, in Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party Since 1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 426. 126 Bryan Keith-Lucas and Peter G. Richards, A History of Local Government in the Twentieth Century (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978), pp. 209, 215–17. 127 WM, 20 April 1966. 128 Bod. L., CPA, LCC 1/2/12, Minutes of the Leader’s Consultative Committee, 13 May 1968; CRD 2

in The art of the possible
Alan Convery

-devolution agenda. Party organisation The Welsh Conservatives were formed through territorial penetration, rather than territorial consolidation (Eliassen and Svaasand, 1975: 16; Panebianco, 1988: 51). It is much more difficult to talk of an indigenous Welsh Conservatism (Bradbury, 2006). While Seldon and Ball’s (1994) overview of the Conservative Century devotes one chapter to Scotland, Wales does not merit separate consideration. Similarly, in John Major’s (1999) autobiography, Wales is hardly mentioned, but Scotland and the Union receives a full chapter of consideration. It

in The territorial Conservative Party
Arthur Aughey

. This sense of marginalisation from the popular mood was true of the Blair years – and the original Blair intent was to replace the Conservative century of the twentieth with the progressive one of the twenty-first. The self-understanding of the age often makes Conservatives feel distinctly uncomfortable. More often than not, it is this discomfort with the present, rather than respectful piety for it, which informs their political argument. This might be described as its Daily Mail tone and, far from feeling themselves insiders, Conservatives often feel themselves to

in The Conservative Party and the nation
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Class and nation
Arthur Aughey

, as many Conservatives thought, Thatcherism had won the economic war but the left was winning the culture war – and its cultural victories were turning the country into a ‘foreign land’. If the twentieth century had been the ‘Conservative century’ (Seldon and Ball 1994), the twenty-first beckoned as the century of the progressive majority. As Chapter 3 argued, the Cameron leadership was committed in turn to adapting to New Labour’s repositioning in the electoral market, with Cameron as the self-ascribed ‘heir to Blair’ (McAnulla 2010) – a comment which he came to

in The Conservative Party and the nation