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Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

Convention or in the final text. Arendt's determination to write about the Eichmann trial was triggered by the fact that the prosecution of a key architect and administrator of the ‘final solution’ directly raised the human meaning of genocidal antisemitism. 59 At one point Arendt wrote rather hyperbolically of David Ben-Gurion, Prime Minister of Israel, that he was trying to turn the

in Antisemitism and the left
Amikam Nachmani

Two characteristics formerly featuring prominently in Israeli–Turkish relations have vanished from the scene of late. There is now no trace of the “mistress syndrome,” the low profile, to revert to the terms of the complaint voiced by Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion. 1 Dr Uri Gordon, the first Israeli Ambassador to Turkey – representation at ambassadorial level, not legation, began in late 1991 – who had started on August 1990 as Chargé d’Affaires in the Israeli Legation in Ankara, and became the first Ambassador on 31

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Abstract only
Lorena De Vita

the trial, emphasising in an official communication that ‘The trial against Eichmann in Jerusalem is more than just a trial about the Hitlerian fascist past ( hitlerfaschisische Vergangenheit ). It is also a denunciation of the militaristic system which continues to exist on West German soil still today.’ 84 In the final comments on the draft speech of chief prosecutor Gideon Hausner, who would play a key role in the trial, David Ben-Gurion reminded the attorney general of the importance of always employing the adjective ‘Nazi’ when mentioning ‘Germany’, so as to

in Israelpolitik
Lorena De Vita

, ‘The United Arab Republic Ballistic Missile and Space Programs’, OSI-SR/65–29, 2 August 1965. CIA (CREST/FOIA),–6.pdf [Accessed November 2019]. 14 R. Howard , Operation Damocles: Israel’s Secret War against Hitler’s Scientists, 1951–1967 ( New York : Pegasus Books , 2013 ), p. 148 . 15 S. Aronson , David Ben Gurion and the Jewish Renaissance ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2011 ), p. 295 . 16 FRUS, 1961–1963/XVIII, Doc. 140, Assessment prepared by the Defense

in Israelpolitik
War crimes prosecutions and the emergence of Holocaust metanarratives
Tom Lawson

, 1938’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies (Vol. 14, No. 3, 2000), pp. 390–414. Deborah Dwork and Robert Jan van Pelt, Holocaust: A History (New York, 2002), p. 206. Cesarani, Eichmann, p. 77. Götz Aly, ‘Final Solution’: Nazi Population Policy and the Murder of the European Jews (London, 1999) p. 36. Ibid., pp. 96–7. Cesarani, Eichmann, pp. 98–111. Trial of Adolf Eichmann, Vol. 1, Session 6–8. David Ben-Gurion cited in Cesarani, Eichmann, p. 240. Cesarani, Eichmann, pp. 248–9. See Rebecca Wittmann, Beyond Justice: The Auschwitz Trial (Cambridge: MA, 2005), p. 3. Helmut

in Debates on the Holocaust
Ronit Lentin

, lest others erase them. She refused to glorify the madness we, as children, lived in, but she also refused to succumb to amnesia. (Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2002: 179) Importantly, Palestinian silence and self-silencing about the Nakba is not only a consequence of Palestinian shame, fear or amnesia, but also of a deliberate Israeli state policy of silencing and denial. According to Laor, the story of the Israeli state was born of deep silence. At the high point of the big expulsion, in the summer of 1948, David Ben Gurion kept silent when he was speaking about what

in Co-memory and melancholia
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

Britain’s relations with the wider Muslim world, which were extensive due to its Commonwealth connections. As Britain was unable to resolve the conflict, and its recommendation for a bi-national state had been rejected, it returned its mandate to the UN in 1947. The UN recommended the partition of Palestine between the Palestinians and the Jews, but both groups also rejected this proposal. Britain withdrew its troops on 14 May 1948, leaving the Jews and the Arabs to settle the matter themselves.31 David Ben-Gurion immediately declared Israel’s independence under his

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Abstract only
Ahmad H. Sa’di

of the state of Israel. From the start, the state itself has served as a vehicle for the achievement and furthering of national (Jewish) goals. The term ‘Israeli’ has been used as synonymous with Israeli Jew. For example, Israel’s founding father and first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, stated at the twenty-fifth World Zionist Congress held in 1960: Here everything is Jewish and universal: the soil we walk upon, the trees whose fruit we eat, the roads on which we travel, the houses we live in, the factories where we work, the schools where our children are

in Thorough surveillance
A cinematic saga
François Dubuisson

facts can be found in the Holywood movie Cast a Giant Shadow (Melville Shavelson, USA, 1966), which insists that the proclamation of the State of Israel is legally based on the UN Partition Plan, which David Ben Gurion (appearing in the movie under the name of Jacob Zion) sees as a ‘decision granting us independence’, of an ‘irrevocable’ character. 13 See Uri S. Cohen , ‘From Hill to Hill: A Brief History of the Representation of War in Israeli Cinema’ in Miri Talmon and Yaron Peleg (eds), Israeli Cinema: Identities in Motion ( Austin

in Cinematic perspectives on international law
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

citizenship studies underscored the absolute right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel, while disregarding the interests of local Arab residents or at the most revealing a patronising attitude towards them and depicting them as backward natives. 14 The insemination of ethno-national principles by means of the education system did not end with the Proclamation of Independence in 1948. Approximately four years later, the ethnic component attained formal status in the educational system. As part of the first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s vision

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence