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A ‘normal’ democracy?
Geoffrey K. Roberts

independence of the Bank of England in the UK, from the role of the elite civil service in France to the power of the regions in Spain. If it is useful to apply the concept to the Federal Republic in the twenty-first century, then perhaps the limitations on sovereignty resulting from membership of the EU should be placed high on the list, especially now that Germany, like almost all the other member states, no longer controls its own currency or the policies such as interest rates which accompany membership of the Eurozone (Helms, 2003 , pp. 6–7). So yes, Germany is now a

in German politics today (third edition)
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English nationalism, Euroscepticism and the Anglosphere
Ben Wellings

incompatible with the European Union as long as it is given special recognition for its difference. In this way, it is very much the ‘Scotland of Europe’. The ‘hard’ English Eurosceptic version of the past presents the development of representative democracy in England as incompatible with what is perceived as the anti-democratic development of the EU since 1992 and especially after the Eurozone crisis, which means that the UK should withdraw from the EU and embrace the opportunities presented by globalisation (assuming that European integration and globalisation are

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
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England’s shared exceptionalism
Ben Wellings

notwithstanding), and arguing that in post-Eurozone crisis Europe there was no longer a good economic argument for remaining a member, the newspaper launched its ‘crusade’ for British withdrawal. Whilst the Express conceded the historic reasons for seeking European unity in the wake of two world wars it noted that ‘Britain is a land apart’ that was never entirely a part of the historical trajectory that propelled the Continental powers towards integration. Tacking the Thatcherite critique of the political class onto a maritime metaphor, the Express argued as follows

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere