Search results
institutional structure of IGOs, but this does not detract from them potentially having a constitutional base. Constitutions do not necessarily entail a separation of powers (executive, legislative and judicial) and a rule of law. These are basic axioms of a liberal constitutional order, but they are usefully deployed here from a critical perspective. In the case of the UN, the General Assembly acts as a legislative body in a weak sense. Although not accepted as a formal source of law, General Assembly resolutions create a presumption of legality in favour of conduct which
voted for a Security Council resolution on 9 June, calling for Portugal to end colonialism.94 This was highly significant. The US publicly supported Angolan independence, much to the annoyance of Portugal, Britain and France, who abstained. The resolution also drew on General Assembly Resolution 1514 and directly condemned the repressive measures of the Portuguese authorities in Angola. It employed the language and terminology of the Committee of 24 in pointing to Portugal’s responsibilities regarding non-self-governing territories. It was interpreted by the
that the inclusion of Europe and the EU serves a practical reason for Palestinian students: competence in European affairs is perceived as relevant for better career opportunities, and not only for those who aspire to work in the nascent Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the much older diplomatic work of the PLO. Interest in Palestine’s foreign and human rights policies has been reinvigorated following the 2012 UN General Assembly resolution 67/19 recognising Palestine as a non-member observer state, and
important consideration of justice than the ‘relative’ rule against ex post facto law required punishment of those who had committed acts that were ‘morally most objectionable’. Hans Kelsen, ‘Will the Judgement in the Nuremberg Trial Constitute a Precedent in International Law?’, International Law Quarterly 1 (1947), 153–71, at pp. 161–2, 164–5. 20 01 Crimes Against Humanity 001-031 3/12/10 10:10 Page 21 ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT years to solidify their status as norms of international law. The General Assembly resolution directed that the principles recognized in
. 4.339. 66 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35 ‘The Fall of Srebrenica’, UN Doc A/54/549 (1999) paras 501–3. 67 Articles 20–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 20–6 ARS 2001. 68 Articles 28–31 ARIO 2011; following Articles 28–31 ARS 2001. 69 Articles 34–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 34–9 ARS 2001. 70 Articles 41–2 ARIO 2011; following Articles 40–1 ARS 2001. 71 Articles 43–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 42–8 ARS 2001. 72 Articles 51–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 49–54 ARS 2001. 73 J. Wouters
Conflicts. Report of the Third Committee . March 7. A/RES/48/157. United Nations General Assembly. 1996 . Impact of Armed Conflict on Children. Report of the expert of the Secretary-General, Ms. Graça Machel , submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 48/157. 26 August. A/51/306. United Nations General
the Charter was written, and since then have become entrenched in UN work norms and international rhetoric. They are supported by a series of General Assembly resolutions, such as the Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace from 1984 and the Declaration of the International Year of Peace from 1985.19 Historian Akira Iriye views these objectives as an additional stage in the development of the vision of a global community of nations with a unique ‘international culture’, with common economic, social, humanitarian, ethical and intellectual values. According to
following the General Assembly's resolution of November 2012 that accorded non-member observer state status to Palestine. This was a strong steer that a fresh declaration would be accepted and, indeed, Palestine submitted one on 1 January 2015 and duly became a state party to the Rome Statute three months later. The third prong of the Palestinian membership initiative was also effective, in that its application for full membership of UNESCO, a UN specialised agency but also an inter-governmental organisation in its own right, was accepted. Although the process for
unrealistic they might be’.79 The actions of newly independent nations on the Committee of 24 in implementing General Assembly Resolution 1514 from 1961 onwards increased the impression among British Foreign Office officials of the UN as an unwieldy and unpredictable organisation that had been converted into ‘an organ of the anti-colonial movement, a kind of Holy Alliance in reverse’.80 The embittered rhetoric from imperial internationalists, such as one of the leading British scholars of International Relations in the 1960s, Martin Wight, about the dismantling of the
challenges. While abolition of the practice has been on the upswing internationally since the end of the Second World War, and has been upheld in a variety of interstate treaties and protocols including two General Assembly resolutions, the practice remains widely used by several UN heavyweights including the United States, something that gives political cover to other retentionist hold-outs, as is the case in China. Because the death penalty is fundamentally a matter of domestic criminal policies, binding rules or sanctions have been slow to develop around the practice