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Paul Kennedy

people a pro-­European option. That option represents the recognition of what France and Germany represent as the Union’s driving forces and of our wish to be close. For me, there is no new and old Europe, just a united Europe. (El País, 29 April 2004: 16) In Paris, the French President, Jacques Chirac, announced the creation of a new Berlin–Paris–Madrid axis, whilst Rodríguez Zapatero expressed his wish to return to the heart of the construction of Europe. In its manifesto for the elections for the European Parliament in June 2004 the PSOE further underlined its pro

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
Alistair Cole

-off against Jacques Chirac. Communists, Socialists, Gaullists, Liberals, Christian Democrats, even Greens performed under par. None of these candidates did as well as they might have expected and many voters were dissatisfied with all of them. The strong performance of the far-left and far-right candidates, the high abstention rate (at 28.30 per cent, a record in any presidential election) 18 The French party system and the general dispersion of votes to candidates not generally considered to be genuine presidential contenders such as St Josse, Chevènement and others

in The French party system
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Material reckonings with military histories
Henrietta Lidchi

during the building of the Musée du Quai Branly, now Musée du Quai Branly Jacques Chirac, named after the President so influential in its development and known for his connoisseurial interest, and nationally mourned after his passing in September 2019 in the museum itself. See S. Price, Paris Primitive, Jacques Chirac’s Museum on the Quai Branly (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 14 A critical article in 2019 published in The Art Newspaper argued, following a conference called to discuss the Sarr and Savoy report, that it is being quietly

in Dividing the spoils
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Eglantine Staunton

presidency: for instance, as shown in more detail in the Appendix, François Mitterrand had seven different prime ministers and four ministers of foreign affairs; Jacques Chirac had four prime ministers and five ministers of foreign affairs; Nicolas Sarkozy had one prime minister and three ministers of foreign affairs; and Hollande had two prime ministers and two ministers of foreign affairs. Each minister came with their own advisors. Consequently, this book specifies as far as possible which members of the executive it is referring to and pays particular attention to the

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

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Modernity, welfare state and EUtopia
Shivdeep Grewal

President Jacques Chirac did describe the latter as the ‘daughter’ of the Revolution of 1789. There were refusals, too, both esoteric and populist, of Enlightenment progressivism. The proponents could be distinguished equally from the neoconservatives and Habermas’s Cosmopolitan stance. Writing of this period, Bernard-Henri Lévy argued that Paris had ceded its status as the ‘world capital of intellectual discussion’ to New York (2007: 1), with commentators such as Christopher Hitchens now setting the agenda. A corresponding drift toward punditry and contrarianism served

in Habermas and European Integration (second edition)
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An introduction to François Ozon
Andrew Asibong

a possibility in France, despite Jacques Chirac’s ongoing presidency. Twelve years later, the right-wing former Minister of the Interior Nicolas Sarkozy was elected to the Elysée, a testament to the country’s apparent acceptance of the triumph of a rampant individualistic neo-liberalism. Even if Ozon publicly spoke of the danger posed to the country by Sarkozy, over the period in which the climate for Sarkozy

in François Ozon
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Modernity, welfare state and Eutopia
Shivdeep Grewal

American Revolution and the Declaration of Independence of 1776. Irrespective of their appropriateness, the rhetorical force of these analogies generally exceeded that of arguments in favour of the European Constitution, though French President Jacques Chirac did describe the latter as the ‘daughter’ of the Revolution of 1789. There were refusals, too, both esoteric and populist, of Enlightenment progressivism. The proponents could be distinguished equally from the neoconservatives and Habermas’s Cosmopolitan stance. Writing of

in Habermas and European integration
Imen Neffati

1905 law establishes neutrality in public space, or that the same law relegates religion to the private sphere, are erroneous. In fact, it was President Jacques Chirac who, in a speech preceding the vote on the legislation outlawing all overt religious signs from French public schools in 2004, introduced the notion of neutrality. Speaking on 17 December 2003, he emphasised the spatial dimension of the word when he described the Republic as ‘the privileged site for meetings and exchanges, where everyone can give of their best to the national community. It is the

in The free speech wars
Niilo Kauppi

French Minister of Agriculture Jacques Chirac publicly attacked him in Le Monde and denounced him as 'knowingly ignoring the interests of the country' (de Donat 1979, 139). The Economist could write in 1992 about Jacques Delors's relationship with Mitterrand, revealing the Social and constitutional integration 77 dependency of Commissioners on domestic decision-makers: 'If the French socialists take a drubbing in local elections in March, Mr Mitterrand might call Mr Delors home to be prime minister. The offer would not thrill him' (The Economist 1992, 46

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union