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Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

(This article was originally published on ‘Normblog’, 27 August 2013) The signs are now clear that Washington * and other Western powers, † including Britain, are considering military action against Syria on account of the regime’s apparent use of chemical weapons against Syrian civilians. ‡ Would such action be justified? In the debate about this at least three types of issue are centrally involved: (1) whether there is a basis in international law for military intervention; (2) whether it is likely to do any good; and (3) whether it might be merited in

in The Norman Geras Reader
Benjamin Hazard

In Early Modern Europe, the provision of military medical care was one of the many challenges caused by widespread and persistent warfare. During active conflict, warring parties established hospitals to care for personnel in army and naval service. According to Ole Peter Grell, the development of military hospital systems shows the significance that nation states attached to healthcare for their forces. 1 Moreover, Geoffrey Parker has referred to first-rate methods of medical treatment devised by the Spanish Army

in Early Modern Ireland and the world of medicine
Intermediating the French subsidies to Sweden during the Thirty Years’ War
Marianne Klerk

9 The ‘fiscal-military hub’ of Amsterdam: intermediating the French subsidies to Sweden during the Thirty Years’ War Marianne Klerk Much scholarly attention has been paid to early modern subsidy practices on an interstate level, as arrangements and transfers of military resources between states. Subsidies are often portrayed as financial tools of alliances by which a powerful state lured a weaker one into its sphere of influence with the promise of money, a much-needed resource in this period of increasing military conflict in Europe.1 One of the most notorious

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Peter H. Wilson

3 ‘Mercenary’ contracts as Fiscal-Military Instruments Peter H. Wilson Introduction Subsidies are widely acknowledged as an important manifestation of European interstate relations between the fifteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and they are beginning to attract serious attention from scholars. To date, research has largely focused on individual agreements or sets of agreements as part of wider diplomatic relations between two states. It is recognized that such relations were invariably asymmetrical, with the stronger party paying the weaker one in return

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Jean-François Caron

, such technologies are tools that can either serve an ethical obligation that the military institution has towards its members or potentially increase the morality of warfare. However, as it is often said, the road to hell is paved with good intentions, and these considerations are not sufficient to assess the rightness of the use of these technologies, as it is also essential to understand their potential flaws from an

in A theory of the super soldier
James Doelman

1620s. While he did at times allow allies to enlist soldiers to fight against the Spanish and Imperial powers, England itself mounted no military campaign until 1624. The relative lack of early Stuart experience in war is reflected in a hyperbolic but memorable passage from Anthony Nixon, who wrote in 1610 that if 20,000 English men were brought together, it would be impossible ‘to find or picke out

in The daring muse of the early Stuart funeral elegy
Ahmad H. Sa’di

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/19/2013, SPi 7 Political rights under a military rule Irreconcilable conceptualization? Citizenship, as a bundle of rights and as experience, is regarded in the political thought as a safeguard for the citizens against excesses by the state or by powerful groups (e.g. Marshall, 1950). Among these, political rights have been associated with highly esteemed notions such as the sovereignty of the people. However, what could the meaning of political rights be under a state of exception, where the basic rights, which enable citizens to

in Thorough surveillance
Phil McCluskey

2 Military occupation in French frontier strategy In the context of foreign policy, Louis XIV viewed the defence of the kingdom as his most important duty; any loss of territory resulting from foreign aggression would have led to a significant diminution of the king’s gloire. At the time Louis assumed personal control of his government in 1661, there remained several weak points in the kingdom’s frontiers leaving it open to invasion, in particular from the Spanish Netherlands and on the border with the Holy Roman Empire in the north-east. As the reign progressed

in Absolute monarchy on the frontiers
Louise Tythacott

, and that many of these are now scattered around the world, in private collections and public museums. 8 This chapter focuses on objects taken from this palace in 1860, subsequently presented by officers to their regimental messes and now on display in five military museums in the UK – the Royal Engineers, the Royal Marines, the Wardrobe, the Essex Regiment Museum and The Royal East Kent Regiment at the Beaney House of Art and Knowledge. It is concerned above all with the reformulations of the meanings of China’s imperial objects at these specific sites of

in Dividing the spoils
Jacopo Pili

Ch a pter 3 Appraisals of Britain’s Military Strength and War Propaganda [Britain] is convinced that the life of the British citizen is too precious to be risked in the petty fights among continental countries.1 F or Mussolini, war was the greatest test of nations and ideologies, and it was the pursuit of war and imperial expansion that led Fascist Italy down the path of hostility with Britain.2 However, war itself proved the doom of the Fascist experiment, mainly at the hands of the British Empire. The Italian Fascist representation of Great Britain from a

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy