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The Chinese ping-pong team visits Africa in 1962
Amanda Shuman

council contacted the Chinese Foreign Ministry, via its embassy in Beijing, to ask for a ping-pong delegation to be sent to Ghana in May or June of that year.45 Ghana had joined the ITTF in 1961 and was one of only two African nations to send a delegation to the World Championships in Beijing where, according to official results, the players lost every match.46 The request made in 1962 asked for five players (three male and two female) and for a coach who would then remain in Ghana for a year, all expenses paid, to help train the national team for the upcoming first Pan-African

in Sport and diplomacy
A case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup
Suzanne Dowse

Africa does not possess the soft power resources of appealing and legitimately perceived power, values and moral authority required for consensual hegemony.12 To complicate matters further, the country’s foreign policy ambitions are also frustrated by tensions between regional and international priorities which reduce progress at both levels.13 Such tensions include, for example, the difficulties inherent in balancing Western normative expectations concerning free market liberal capitalism and democracy with pan-African interests and implementation capabilities.14

in Sport and diplomacy
Eşref Aksu

African states led by Cameroon, Liberia, Nigeria and Togo, which held a meeting in Monrovia on 8–12 May 1961. The ‘Monrovia group’ would soon include 22 African countries. These states were more moderate in their approach towards the Congo. In general, their insistence on pan-Africanism was not as ‘enthusiastic’ as that of the Casablanca group. 107 On 22 July 1961, the Congolese Parliament reconvened

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Carla Konta

ideas more attuned to pan-African and Third World concerns than to those of US leaders. This inability to maintain a tight focus on national identities and priorities caused the program to be shut down in 1978. 59 The CU jazz tours followed the Cold War hot spots. The 1956 Dizzy Gillespie tour began in Iran and culminated in Turkey, Yugoslavia, and Greece, with stops in Syria and the US military allies Pakistan and Lebanon. The Gillespie and the Dave Brubeck trip in 1958 moved through the Eisenhower conception of a ‘perimeter defence’ against the Soviet Union

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Neo-colonialism encounters regionalism?
Mark Langan

(committed to a confederal model of African unity) challenged Nkrumah’s Casablanca Group (committed to a federal model of African unity) in the immediate years of independence. With the creation of the Organisation for African Unity, as opposed to the Union of African States, which Nkrumah had espoused, the Monrovia Group succeeded in its ambitions to prevent immediate African unification under a federal agency. Adjacent to this decision, RECs (such as the East African Community championed by Julius Nyerere) came to the fore – to the detriment of pan-African institutions

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Alex Vines

partnerships if a post-colonial pan-African strategic ambition remains achievable in practice, and not just on paper. Notes * Alex Vines is Head, Africa Programme, Chatham House and Assistant Professor, Coventry University. Claudia Wallner, during her placement at Chatham House, assisted in providing some research support. This chapter links to two others, referenced where appropriate: ‘To Brexit and beyond: Africa and the United Kingdom’, in D. Nagar and C. Mutasa (eds), Africa and the World

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Hilary Sapire

the South African Parliament was followed in quick succession on 21 March 1960 by the massacre of protesting Africans at Sharpeville, the Langa uprisings, the declaration of a state of emergency, and the banning of the ANC and Pan African Congress (PAC) which resulted in international condemnation. For the first time, Britain condemned apartheid at the UN. In fulfilment of Prime Minister Verwoerd

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Differential fees for overseas students in Britain, c. 1967
Jodi Burkett

–1960: Nationalism, Pan-Africanism and Communism (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1998), p. 3. 15 Stockwell, The British End , p. 127. See also Perraton, A History of Foreign Students , p. 105. 16

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Decoloniality from Cape Town to Oxford, and back
Stephen Howe

divergent paths of ‘colonial legacies’ debates in different Anglophone spheres, plus the corresponding renaissance of pan-European, pan-African and near-global ones, are themselves further evidence of a ‘break-up of Greater Britain’. Thus, for example, Australia’s ‘history wars’, since their initiation by Keith Windschuttle around 2000, developed mostly in isolation from any other, potentially partly

in The break-up of Greater Britain
The ‘rude awakenings’ of the Windrush era
Stuart Ward

worked for’, and that this process was ‘neither mutually exclusive nor fundamentally contradictory’ with more local (or indeed pan-African) identifications and affinities. 48 But while individuals had no difficulty reconciling their Britishness with other cultural affiliations, the middle-class embrace of a shared British respectability invariably entailed a certain distancing

in The break-up of Greater Britain