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Learning from Māori curatorship pastand present
Conal McCarthy
Arapata Hakiwai
, and
Philipp Schorch

’ replaced ‘artefact’ and ‘art’ in common usage, and participants of the conference, international visitors included, used this word to describe their Māori objects and collections.50 International delegates were impressed with the big turnout of Māori people at the conference, and commented on ‘their willingness to assert their rangatiratanga’ (chieftainship or sovereignty). They learned from meeting Māori and left with a ‘new framework’ to view their collections. Many spoke of their plans to change displays, facilitate community access and acquire contemporary Māori art

in Curatopia
Open Access (free)
Melanie Giles

revenge, but the evidence does point to an aspect of preparation, choice of locale and multiple participants. Essentially, what Hutton called for was an honest plurality of interpretations – this book finds no disagreement with that exhortation. Ritualised killing (as proposed by Hill) – whatever the motive – is an apposite concept to describe this event. Violence in the Iron Age and early Roman world The scepticism of Briggs, Connolly and Hutton is understandable given the infamy of the ‘bog body’, the spurious ‘Celtic’ mythology woven around these remains and the

in Bog bodies
Re-thinking Ludwik Fleck’s concept of the thought-collective according to the case of Serbian archaeology
Monika Milosavljević

both collectives reach conclusions by observing celestial bodies, their styles of thinking are incommensurable. By defining this as the problem, Fleck does not underestimate the significance or the position of science, but allows irrational elements in scientific thinking to be susceptible of analysis. Furthermore, in his view there are differences between scientific and non-scientific thought-styles, which relate to the density of interactions between participants in thought-collectives. Scientific communities are characterised by a high density of social

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Abstract only
Archaeologists in Egypt
Kathleen L. Sheppard

interacted behind the scenes. 37 In archaeology, such correspondence is especially important. The most influential participants in archaeological networks tended to gather in the field in transitory groups. Some group members were permanent fixtures every dig season, others came and went, and still others appeared only once, briefly, leaving just the faintest trace in the records. Joint publications do not necessarily reveal the connections among group members, so those connections can be difficult to trace. As Janet Browne

in Tea on the terrace
Curatorial bodies, encounters and relations
Noelle M.K.Y. Kahanu
Moana Nepia
, and
Philipp Schorch

humanise curatorship by pulling ‘the curators’ out of their often obscure role as an ‘invisible actor behind the scenes’41 of the production of knowledge, and thus of the execution of power. Second, the concept of tūrangawaewae brings us back to the thematic focus of this edited volume. Importantly, I do not appropriate tūrangawaewae as a sign of jubilant postmodern or postcolonial c­ elebration, or as a gestural accommodation of the subaltern before its eventual e He alo aˉ he alo / kanohi ki te kanohi 18.7  A group of German and Hawaiian participants – including

in Curatopia
The politics of co-collecting
Sean Mallon

aim of developing contemporary Tongan cultural collections for the museum.18 There are precedents for formal co-collecting involving museums and communities in the wider Pacific region. One of the most significant collaborative collecting projects is a volunteer field worker programme started in the mid-1970s by the Vanuatu Cultural Centre.19 Each year, field workers from across this expansive archipelago attend a two-week workshop held at the cultural centre. Then over the course of the next twelve months, the participants collect cultural materials and document

in Curatopia
Taking care of difference in museums
Billie Lythberg
Wayne Ngata
, and
Amiria Salmond

participate in exhibitions, object cataloguing and outreach activities often have great results; they also sometimes backfire, leaving museum staff and participants alike nursing dashed expectations and diminished mana (status, prestige, credibility); even where goodwill is evident, unanticipated differences can lead people to talk past each other. Where museums have actually employed members of Indigenous and minority communities they appear to have had more consistent successes, but even then the difficulties faced, for example, by New Zealand Māori curators in regional

in Curatopia
Abstract only
Collecting networks and the museum
Samuel J.M.M. Alberti

psychologies of individual collectors.3 Historians of science have likewise produced sophisticated analyses of scientific collectors and collecting.4 In this chapter I seek to extend these bodies of literature by addressing the Nature and culture 92 institution as collector.5 As Simon Knell writes of philosophical society museums, ‘While many participants were collectors or knew collectors, the size, nature and socio-political make-up of these corporate bodies provided opportunities for collecting in new ways and on a new scale.’6 Given the extent of any single museum

in Nature and culture
Duncan Sayer

categories. As a result, we might question if this is a real variation or an artefact of preservation bias across the site. However, it remains important and especially so as it was a characteristic also seen at Apple Down. At these sites, there was a statistical correlation between the active inclusion with a weapon within the mortuary context, and physical change to the body. At Apple Down, non-participant males were larger ( Chapter 1 and above), whereas at Deal the males found with weapon graves were exposed to greater risk of physical injury or joint disease

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
Abstract only
Rick Peterson

natural processes of bodily decomposition to ‘distil’ the essence of the dead body into a cranium. Mummification and curation The interaction between living people and the decomposition of a corpse was one of the ways that Hertz (1960, 201) expanded his definition of the intermediary period to include practices such as mummification. The decomposing body may be one kind of participant, defining and creating a particular tempo of change, but the mourners and embalmers create through their actions a different temporality, usually a much longer-term one. The preserved

in Neolithic cave burials