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stands as the most comprehensive summary of his mature political thought. In this text he went further than many of his peers in the English Jacobin milieu, seeking ‘to destroy not only personal and hereditary lordship, but the cause of them, which is private property in land’. In its place he proposed what he, and subsequent adherents, would call the Plan: ‘land shall no longer be suffered to be the property of individuals, but of the parishes’. Rents would still be charged by the parish as a kind of tax, but the revenue generated was to be ‘deemed the equal property
Harley family. 11 Presbyterian political thought: limited monarchy, co-ordinate powers and Parliament’s ‘defensive armes’ The outbreak of civil war in August 1642 required the London ministers to publish and preach in defence of Parliament against the polemics of the king’s propagandists. By December, London experienced public protests as large numbers of its citizens became disillusioned with the descent into civil war. This dissatisfaction was seized upon by royalist propagandists, particularly Henry Ferne
Introduction T his book is an analysis of the political thought of the Conservative Party. Academic discussions of the Conservative Party have tended to neglect ideology, focusing instead on the ‘pragmatic’ nature of the Party and its electoral and governmental record. We believe that this view is mistaken, and that the Party’s development since the Second World War cannot be understood without a detailed consideration of ideas. The chapters trace the ideology of the Conservative Party through its most prominent thinkers. These are Harold Macmillan; R. A
, highlighting the exclusionary ways in which history is written and remembered and retelling similar stories from different perspectives to address issues as diverse as abolitionism and segregation, the relationship between science and faith, and predestination and grace, sex work and gender politics, and the state of political thought in the contemporary United States. Robinson is similarly unconventional in her approach to a writing career. In a 2016 lecture published as “Our Public Conversation: How America Talks About Itself” (2018), Robinson makes the
libertarian socialism, a drastically modified form of idealism, critical theory and legal theory. The four sources are synthesised in order to articulate four theories intended to project thinking about political legitimacy beyond the restatements of Kant and the sociologically reconstructed versions of Aristotle which in various combinations continue to dominate mainstream social and political thought. What emerges is (1) a theory
. Chapters Three , Four and Five examine the place of political thought, including humanitarian ideals, in tying together the cultural British world. Yet, as Philip Harling, Michelle Tusan and Martin Wiener all show in various ways, the role of political thought was not straight-forward. Harling and Tusan show, for example, that any attempt to import British humanitarian ideals, whether free trade and
review of Harrington’s works,97 and there were of course hints at this idea in Gordon’s discourses, but the emphasis of the Huguenots was on opposing tyranny rather than on building a workable republic, and so these ideas were less relevant to them. Nonetheless, as will become clear in Part II, this aspect of the commonwealth tradition was picked up by other French figures in the first half of the eighteenth century. Conclusion The Huguenot connection was one means by which commonwealth ideas came to play an important role in continental European political thought. The
historiography and political thought, or latterly thinking about politics; a world dominated for years by the work of J. G. A. Pocock and more recently by the series of studies prompted by Lisa Jardine and Tony Grafton’s seminal article on ‘How Gabriel Harvey read his Livy’, and indeed by Blair Worden’s The Sound of Virtue.1 In terms of the historiography, we might take the essays in this book to be addressing two central paradoxes in the work of Russell and Pocock. The first is an, at least apparent, contradiction in Russell’s account. On the one hand, we have his insistence
capacity of social democratic parties to undertake meaningful political change. According to Moschonas, although attachment to the cause of European integration in the 1980s and 1990s enabled social democratic parties to win new support from the educated middle class, it also consolidated and deepened the decomposition of the traditional political identity of the moderate left. Part III of the book, ‘Resources for rethinking’, aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of ‘third way
This chapter considers how the apology relates to, and is compatible with, the major ideological traditions in Western political thought.