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shortage during birth, Nawal spends a lot of time online, looking up games for disabled children. She aptly uses medical and technological vocabulary, and stays informed about new treatments. However, when asked about new opportunities for Syrian women in Jordan, Nawal is quick to fend us off. ‘Many Syrians took off their niqabs [i.e. a veil that covers their entire face], they wear makeup, go out on their own and talk on social media. I think that this is wrong. We were not
websites, social media platform and publication (both electronic and physical) serve as credible sources of information about the EU in a third country. Apart from physical presence via the EU’s own delegation or via local scholars in the EU centres, other regular public diplomacy tools of the EU include direct people-to-people exchange and internet presence managed directly by the institutions in Brussels, namely the EU Visitors Programme. For instance, each year dozens of Asian elites from researchers to scientists, from artists to journalists, travel to the EU with
and Microsoft giving the US government access to their user bases for surveillance purposes. The social media operated by these companies have become a vast search engine for tracking down opposition and, alongside private operators and NGOs, form the backbone of Western manipulation of ‘civil society’. The Soros network is the most important umbrella here, with its International Renaissance Foundation specifically targeting Ukraine. Renaissance expected the Ukrainian presidential elections of 2015 to offer ‘both a challenge and an opportunity’. The challenge was
sideways, and against a clouded sky; a picture it claimed to have discovered on social media in the spring of 2016. However, the angle from which the photo is taken is exactly the same as another picture of the 15th of July 2014 by ‘Andrey T.’, aka ‘@parabellum_ua’, of the pro-Kiev infowarrior network that also produced the Gerashchenko frontal picture.68 On the eve of the JIT presentation the Russians again lifted the veil slightly by claiming that ‘a forgotten hard disc’ with Almaz-Antey primary radar data showed that no objects had passed through the airspace which
saw the take-off. We saw the trajectory, we saw the hit, etc.’ but failed to provide details, then or since. State Department spokespeople referred to social media and ‘common sense’ as the best way of countering Russia’s ‘propaganda and misinformation’.146 On 22 July, the day the EU conceded to join Washington’s sanctions, the United States issued a ‘U.S. Government Assessment’ of the disaster, which contained one item of evidence –a commercial satellite picture taken in 2010, into which the presumed trajectory of a missile had been drawn in colour.147 By then
capital and status with – those journalists who are able to show and share empathy with the local subjects of their reports. Social media too has begun to alter who exactly ‘speaks for Africa’, and how the continent is presented to international news consumers. The power of Twitter in particular to challenge Western coverage and shape international news coverage of east Africa started to be noted in earnest in March 2012 when CNN ran a story about an isolated attempted terrorist attack on a bus in Nairobi. This was reported on the channel’s news
Ivoirian diaspora) to try to access information about developments of the post-electoral crisis. Members of the elite turned to social media to organise volunteer solidarity groups, getting humanitarian aid and medical attention to the (internally displaced) civilian population caught in the crisis. 5 Online activity was also a means by which untruths were spread. In Nouchi parlance, it became ever more difficult to distinguish ‘ info ’ from ‘ intox ’ (intoxication; untruth), as photo-shopped images of either Gbagbo or Ouattara under arrest
an altogether different domain of social media where they mobilise public opinion against the excesses of the security forces.51 What appears to be an act of compliance in one situation may therefore well be a strategic decision that enables the same person to stage an act of defiance against the same authority at a time and place of her/his choosing where the stakes are not entirely loaded to her/his disadvantage. Resistance to governance initiatives Foucault’s compelling argument that ‘[w]here there is power, there is resistance, and yet, or rather consequently
social media activity of some individuals, interviewees’ self-presentation can also have an impact on what participants say while being interviewed, so this problem should not preclude using the Internet material when it is adequately handled. On the other hand, the Internet might facilitate spontaneity in expressing views, due to a stronger feeling of anonymity and less social pressure (Bargh et al. 2002 ). It might foster openness while at the same time giving a feeling of privacy (Ben-Ze’ev 2003 ) Selecting the textual material was a multi
aggression in relation to me but I have always had complexes’ (PL06/w/partner in UA/5y2m). Sofija's quote illustrates the relationality of positionality, according to which Ukrainian migrants were relatively better treated than migrants from more distinct, particularly non-European, states. However, even though being constructed as relatively close and accepted, Ukrainians’ local belonging and established status were challenged, as this social media entry manifests: I had a feeling