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endeavours such as counter-terrorism ( Farmer, 2017 ). A prominent example of a ‘new’ security challenge, cybersecurity has quickly moved to the top of national security agendas and has been the subject of significant international attention. However, these developments have not come without differences of opinion and controversy, in particular around a perceived trade-off between security online and privacy, the allocation of particular resources and legislative responses. In 2020, cybersecurity is very much a part of the national security framework. It is a
). Egypt also received overtures from Russia. This occurred after the emergence of a military figure as Egyptian president put some space between that nation and the United States. President Abdal Fatah al-Sisi visited Moscow for a third time in mid-2015 in an effort to persuade it to play a bigger role in the fight against terrorism in the Middle East ( SME 2015k ). The Russian press depicted the meeting as one that fostered cooperation and would deepen trade relations between the two states ( Izvestia 2015i ). Iran was also on President Putin's agenda, for before
industry would help to continue the process of mapping this increasingly important aspect of the dispositif . Finally, I have sought across my empirical analysis to not only identify the homogeneity across internet security discourse but also to draw out where there have been moments of rupture with a conventional knowledge. In my own empirical analysis this has tended to look like a sceptical retort to the orthodoxy – for example, questioning the alarmist tone of a threat assessment or the characterisation of an event as ‘war’, ‘terrorism’, etc. While these
–Russian Founding Act of 1997 In order to formalize the relationship between Russia and NATO beyond admission to PfP status, the two entities signed the NATO–Russia Founding Act in 1997 (White 2011 , 283). This Act created a Permanent Joint Council (PJC) to streamline activities between the two. Topics for discussion within the PJC included ways to combat terrorism, methods for achieving greater nuclear security, developing joint military doctrine, and cooperating on the establishment of peacekeeping forces (Papp et al. 2005 , 207). Since the PJC included Russia, its
located in the three Baltic states and in Poland, Bulgaria, and Romania (Kalb 2015 , 235). Clearly, the leaders of the alliance expected that there would be additional Russia provocations in the future and that a deterrent to them was absolutely necessary. NATO's response in April 2014 included the suspension of civilian and military cooperation with Russia through the NRC. Practical activities that were affected included helicopter maintenance, a counter-narcotics initiative fund in Afghanistan, and counter-terrorism initiatives. NATO assistance to Ukraine
. Katzenstein , ‘ Same war, different views: Germany, Japan, and the war on terrorism ’, Current History , 101 : 659 ( 2002 ), pp. 427 – 35 ; S. Brockmeier , ‘ Germany and the intervention in Libya ’, Survival , 55 : 6 ( 2013 ), pp. 63 – 90 ; K. Oppermann , ‘ National role conceptions, domestic constraints and the new “normalcy” in German foreign policy: the Eurozone crisis, Libya and beyond ’, German Politics , 21 : 4 ( 2012 ), pp. 502 – 19 . 22 On 20 March 2011, the Bild tabloid presented the results of a nationwide ad hoc survey that it had
life, in spite of the leadership and policy differences that characterized the two national units. There was a certain carry-over of systemic features in the relationship between Russian and American leaders over the Syrian crisis after the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2011. In the early part of the war President Obama's policy centered on the removal of Syrian President Assad from power, while Russian perspectives were focused more on the matter of reducing the threat of terrorism in the civil war that engulfed the nation. However, the discovery of the
esteem and are understood to be able to provide ‘more accurate’ information and assessments than the layperson. For example, when the head of MI6 remarks that the threat from terrorism is ‘severe’, this holds more weight than the layperson’s remarks because the former is presumably drawing on ‘secret’ information that only a select few privileged actors are privy to. Security professionals offer something ‘above’ that of the layperson and speak from a particular position that is closer to the truth and often beyond reproach. In Bigo’s own words, security professionals
Değişim ve Modernleşme, İstanbul, Alfa, 2000; Fuat Keyman, Remaking Turkey: Globalization, Alternative Modernities, and Democracies, Lexington Books, 2007. 7 Andrew Feenberg, Alternative Modernity: The Technical Turn in Philosophy and Social Theory, California, University of California Press, 1995, p. 214. 8 Ayla Göl, ‘Editor’s Introduction: Views from the “Others” of the War on Terror’, Critical Studies on Terrorism, 3:1 (2010), pp. 1–5. 9 Jacoby, Social Power and the Turkish State, p. 5. 10 Stephen Hobden, International Relations and Historical Sociology
renegades … they exist only because they are supported, paid and praised by the West”. On other occasions, Soviet authorities referred to them as “enemies of the state” or “traitors”, while Vladimir Bukovsky, who had been received at the White House, was “only a small step from … terrorism”. 56 Activists for free emigration were frequently labelled “social parasites”, traitors and “agents of Zionism”. Anti-Zionistic campaigns were not new in the USSR but now they became more frequent and vitriolic. Soviet television even broadcast a documentary film, Buyers of Souls