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Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

Nazi past would work as a political ‘handicap’ for far-right political agents. 33 Now, however, the stigma is used as a resource for far-right parties. ‘Germany – Never again!’ In Eastern Germany there has been a historically different understanding of the ‘problematic’ German nation that has led to a greater attention to the governance of problematic ‘leftist’ nationalisms. In particular, during reunification, a left-wing political movement called the Antideutsche Bewegung (Anti-German Movement) emerged that rejected every form of German nationalism per se

in The wolves are coming back
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Good evening, all
Ben Lamb

’ will ‘light the fuse and this country’s gonna blow’ is now finally materialising. Little did Cracker audiences know at the time that they were in fact, as Kinsella states, ‘looking at the future’: a future where the socially marginalised would indeed turn to explosive, populist, far-right political movements to have their voices heard.

in You’re nicked
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Paul Jackson

is that female leadership generates a more moderated, ‘feminine’ form of far-right politics. As the case of Marine Le Pen exemplifies, when expert of the French context James Shields closely scrutinised Front National policies, many of its policy changes did not actually moderate the party position, 20 suggesting the discourse of softening or moderated positions under female leadership is more a media

in Pride in prejudice
Culture, violence, and the transatlantic far right since the 1970s
Kyle Burke

affiliation—and some had links to anarchist and leftist groups—a few bands found their voice on the right. Incorporating fascist, anti-immigrant, and racist motifs into their lyrics, they exhorted rebellion against the same enemies the National Front targeted—elite politicians, non-whites, and foreigners. 31 Skinhead culture and far right politics found common ground via an aesthetic of hypermasculine violence. Yet the skinhead scene did not simply breed fascists or neo-Nazis. Rather, neo-Nazis and fascists sought it out to build grassroots support. The far

in Global white nationalism
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Depopulation, deindustrialisation, colonialism
Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

many people became unemployed, tens of thousands, practically overnight. If you go to Eastern Saxony today, right at the border to Poland and the Czech Republic, you’ll find a lot of abandoned houses, inner city centres which are empty, and only older people on the streets, because most of the young people left. We lost two generations actually here in the last twenty years. 56 A narrative of depopulation and ‘empty villages’ without any women left to reproduce becomes prone to being exploited by far-right politics and filled with anxieties about the future. As the

in The wolves are coming back
Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

fallback will become the position from which we shall sally forth to kick off the reconquista. 21 For these far-right political agents, ‘national rebirth’ has a time and a place: it is set in former Eastern Germany. Teleologically, the narrative ends not in the catastrophe of the Germans dying out but in salvation from the brink of catastrophe. These narratives of ‘great replacement’, ‘national resistance’ and ‘national rebirth’ were not invented by the AfD. In fact, most of these ideas date back to the nineteenth century, and today, with the rise of the right we

in The wolves are coming back
Open Access (free)
Monstrous markets – neo-liberalism, populism and the demise of the public university
John Holmwood and Jan Balon

UK referendum vote to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’) and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States are each widely understood as involving a ‘populist’ rejection of ‘elites’ and ‘economic globalisation’. It is significant that each has taken place in a country Afterword 305 where neo-liberal public policy has been paramount. However, the rise of authoritarian populist regimes elsewhere (for example, in Turkey and India) and of far-right political parties having increasing political influence (for example, the National Front in France

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Party system change and electoral prospects
Gilles Ivaldi

election, there were outstanding questions concerning the MNR’s ability to benefit electorally from its entrenchment at the local level. The presidential and legislative contests both illustrated the bitter setback of the MNR in challenging Le Pen’s monopoly over far-right politics in France. The share of the extreme-right vote secured by the MNR in the presidential and legislative election represented only 11.9 and 8.9 per cent of the total vote for the far right respectively, as opposed to 36.2 per cent in the June 1999 European election. At the 2002 presidential

in The French party system
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Imogen Richards

-economic developments regarding neo-jihadism from 2017 to 2020, and within the global economic system. It incorporates comparative consideration of other political philosophies and movements, from anarchism and left-wing activism to the GWOT and a twenty-first-century rise in far-right politics and (neo-)fascism. Furthermore, I elaborate a brief consideration of evolutionary developments within the phenomenon of neo-jihadism, including several forecasts of the political activities of AQ and IS. Drawing on theoretical and strategic inferences about the variegated nature of neo

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Alison Phipps

Although notions of race have a longer history, colonialism systematically ‘raced’ populations so they could be hyper-exploited, and eventually discarded, by capitalist production. Populations were also systematically gendered to facilitate this process: women were subordinated to men and made solely responsible for social reproduction, and there were attempts to eradicate Indigenous genders that did not fit the Western binary. Echoing the historical colonial project, contemporary far-right politics blends racism with attacks on feminists and LGBT (especially trans

in Me, not you