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Rebecca Pates
Julia Leser

fallback will become the position from which we shall sally forth to kick off the reconquista. 21 For these far-right political agents, ‘national rebirth’ has a time and a place: it is set in former Eastern Germany. Teleologically, the narrative ends not in the catastrophe of the Germans dying out but in salvation from the brink of catastrophe. These narratives of ‘great replacement’, ‘national resistance’ and ‘national rebirth’ were not invented by the AfD. In fact, most of these ideas date back to the nineteenth century, and today, with the rise of the right we

in The wolves are coming back
Abstract only
Depopulation, deindustrialisation, colonialism
Rebecca Pates
Julia Leser

many people became unemployed, tens of thousands, practically overnight. If you go to Eastern Saxony today, right at the border to Poland and the Czech Republic, you’ll find a lot of abandoned houses, inner city centres which are empty, and only older people on the streets, because most of the young people left. We lost two generations actually here in the last twenty years. 56 A narrative of depopulation and ‘empty villages’ without any women left to reproduce becomes prone to being exploited by far-right politics and filled with anxieties about the future. As the

in The wolves are coming back
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Class, locality and British punk
Matthew Worley

and recognition of the culture’s origins were set against ‘tatty’ flying jackets, glue-sniffing and far-right politics.46 Bushell, too, had begun to lose heart by late 1982, writing a provocative article for Sounds that suggested punk had become formulaic, ghettoised and fatalistic, losing its way to the libertarian sensibilities of anarchists like Crass that he felt ignored the ‘class realities of contemporary British society’.47 Thereafter, he continued to support bands fuelled by the same sense of working-class anger that he had first recognised in punk, be it

in Fight back
Mariela Breen-Smyth

connections, even though far-right politics possess all these features. The suggestion of mental illness portrays the (white) ‘lone wolf’ as sick – mad, rather than bad, more in need of help than punishment, more to be pitied than blamed, considerations rarely available to ‘others’. Race and the labelling of terrorism According to Amal Abu-Bakare (2017) : [T]he alleged unwillingness by state actors and media to unequivocally label a phenotypically white person as a ‘terrorist’ is historically connected to the global institutionalisation of white privilege

in Encountering extremism
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

, slightly increased his shared of the vote to almost 17 per cent, pushing Lionel Jospin, the Socialist candidate, out of the race altogether. Le Pen’s subsequent defeat in the final vote (gaining only 18 per cent share of the vote) did not remove the impression that fascism had become a major political force in France, giving encouragement to far-right political parties across Europe. This impression was not entirely removed by

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Annika Lindberg

problem, existing only in the past (see Goldberg, 2006 ), far away (manifested in the routine dismissal of e.g., racist policing as an ‘American’ problem), or confined to the ‘fringes’ of far-right politics ( Danbolt and Myong, 2018 ). This narrow definition hides the fact that racial hierarchisation and exclusion have been ‘core organizing principles’ in the evolvement of the

in Deportation limbo
Contradictions and concerns
Valerie Bryson

oppression (points made by Okin, 2000 and Walby, 2011 ). However, campaigns on these issues by western women on behalf of ‘others’ can also distract attention from economic exploitation and from problematic aspects of western culture, including a ‘beauty’ industry that promotes unnecessary procedures that include genital cosmetic surgery. Feminist campaigns can also be co-opted to justify both the pursuit of western economic and political interests and the racist agenda of far-right political groups. Such co-optation was particularly clear in the build-up to the

in The futures of feminism
Gill Allwood
Khursheed Wadia

frequently described as ‘bogus’ or ‘illegal’, and linked with terrorism, violent crime or AIDS (Greenslade 2005). Support for far-right political parties, such as the British National Party, has risen in some parts of the country. Racism and violent racist attacks are more common in some dispersal locations outside London. Kenyan asylum seeker, Kamwaura Nygothi, documents her experiences in Middlesborough for example, where, she states, ‘Every moment for me is fear’ (Nygothi 2004). Muslim women (representing the overwhelming majority of women asylum seekers and refugees)3

in Refugee women in Britain and France
The conversational etiquette of English national self-identification
Susan Condor

used without being brought to the forefront of the mind or mentioned in conversation by the less loaded term, ‘implicit’. 16 Specifically, they tended either to be people who held far-right political views, or to be people with experience of living in Scotland, where we might surmise they

in These Englands
Eunice Goes

Parties in National Governments’, in Olsen, Hough, and Koß, Left Parties in National Governments, pp. 173–205 (p. 182). 43 Michelle Hale Williams, ‘A New Era for French Far Right Politics? Comparing the FN under the Two Le Pens’, Análise social 46:201 (2011): 679–695 (p. 682). 44 Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, ‘Now UKIP Is Gunning for Labour, What’s Ed Miliband Going to Do about It?’, Guardian, 30 May 2013. See also Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, Revolt on the Right:  Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (London: Routledge, 2014). 45 ‘Unemployment

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband