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feminist literature (see Butler 2006), gender mainstreaming rests on women as the subject of gendered security. Gender in peacebuilding has been incorporated in a way that reproduces stable binaries of man and woman, in turn contributing to their normativity (Kunz 2014). These normative gender ideals produce specifically gendered identities, contributing to their construction and maintenance through the organisation of activity based on gender dualisms (see Harding 1986, 17–18). Thus the ‘gender’ contained in UN p eacebuilding policy and practice is itself both
’s arguments and perspective obsolete and of historical significance only. While the text, or portions of it, appear as canonical reading within feminist literature, it is used mostly to demonstrate a stage in the progression of feminist ideas and arguments, so that, as Nancy Bauer (2004: 116) puts it, reading Beauvoir is equivalent ‘to genuflecting on your way into the family pew’. However, reading Beauvoir should not be so readily dismissed or relegated to feminist annals, especially in a context where feminist politics has to grapple with the implications of post
interest. Carter's Wayward Girls and Wicked Women (1986) recognised Carrington's “The Debutante” (1937) within Carter's own idiosyncratic mode of feminist literature, while Warner shrewdly describes Carrington's tale-telling as “a kind of black mischief Cinderella.” 75 The more recent reissues of Carrington's short stories by The Dorothy Project and The Silver Press over Carrington's centenary in 2017 are testimony to a growing market of interest, and it is no doubt that these publications have significantly enabled
as the expanding role of the United Nations (UN) in regional conflicts, the increasing cost to the US of expensive military operations, Japan's growing economic power and the fragmentation of the USSR dissipated the Cold War vision of a world divided into East–West binaries. Feminist literature had an important role in widening the agenda too, by arguing that ‘women’ could be the referent object of security (Hoogensen and Stuvøy 2006 ; Hudson 2005 ; Kennedy-Pipe 2007 ; Tickner 1992; 2001; 2004
woman: As an Afro-American woman familiar with the sometimes hidden dynamics of racism, I had previously questioned the myopic concentration on female circumcision in US feminist literature on African women. The dynamics here are not entirely dissimilar from those characterizing the historical campaign
over the world’s ills.64 Mona Caird had accepted Elizabeth’s invitation of a seat on the WEU Executive, and she also worked collaboratively with Ben Elmy who, under his pseudonym of Ellis Ethelmer, penned a series of polemical works on sex education and women’s sexual physiology which were published privately, under the auspices of the WEU, from 1893 to 1897.65 They offered the first ‘explicitly feminist’ literature on the subject, and presented ‘a coherent analysis of why and in what manner women were subordinated’.66 To lay stress upon these texts, however (and
of colonialism. A key focus of attention in the feminist literature on colonialism has been on the space in which white women were perhaps most active in Empire – the colonial home. It was in the home (as well as through philanthropic organisations) that white women were pressured to, and often willingly embraced, the responsibility to civilise the colony, the ‘native other’ and the white man through their
feminist literature. Based on the understanding that the relationship between men and women is patriarchal and hierarchical, the argument put forward by historians, psychologists and psychiatrists is that war accentuates pre-existing gender relations and thus reinforces the possessive behaviour displayed by men vis-à-vis women. In other words, aggression and violence, which are part and parcel of any armed conflict, exacerbate the inequalities of gendered power relations and the discriminatory and misogynous behaviour displayed even in peacetime patriarchal societies. An
time. It provides an overview of representations and public discourses surrounding women’s workplace protest found in feminist literature, trade union publications and sociological studies. The rest of the book identifies the personal implications of these broader social and political changes for female workers who engaged in collective action through an analysis of four case studies of workplace disputes organised by women during this period. The case studies present four different examples of women asserting their rights in the workplace. To start, Chapter 2
instance, German sociologist Oskar Negt and filmmaker Alexander Kluge have described the public sphere as a site of competing public spheres, or ‘counterpublics’, and feminist literature scholar Nancy Fraser has articulated a more specific variant of the latter, ‘subaltern counterpublics’, to describe the manner in which marginalized groups contest or compete with the dominant public sphere.86 Fraser conjoins Negt and Kluge’s counterpublic with Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s ‘subaltern’, a discursive category to describe a broad range of subjects who are constructed as