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Anne-Meike Fechter

: I started out very much at the other end of things, doing broad-based human rights information work as a way of changing policy, and so on. And that was after having been active during the Vietnam War, when it was actually possible for ordinary people to have an effect on US policy. I do not believe this is the case any longer. So I went to Palestine with the idea of helping create peace, through policy change and settled into human rights documentation. It was after the first Gulf

in Everyday humanitarianism in Cambodia
Abstract only
A. J. Coates

, morally speaking, perhaps more defensibly), for making the world a safer place. This approach to international relations is much in evidence in an article about the First Gulf War and its aftermath written by Henry Kissinger, the former US Secretary of State and one of the principal theorists and practitioners of realism in the period since the Second World War. While admiring some aspects of US policy in the Gulf, in particular the effective management of the allied coalition during the crisis, Kissinger regrets the creeping idealism that he detects in postwar

in The ethics of war
Abstract only
A. J. Coates

appears much greater than realists are inclined to acknowledge, and the more open and democratic the state in which political and military leaders operate (and the more susceptible they are to political pressure as a consequence) the greater its potential influence. In the First Gulf War the power of domestic, as well as international, public opinion seemed The just war121 real enough. The attempt to fight the war discriminately and to limit the amount of ‘collateral damage’ during the bombing of strategic targets in Iraq owed more to political and moral considerations

in The ethics of war
Abstract only
A. J. Coates

Gulf War few of the members of the coalition were directly threatened by Iraq, and only one, Kuwait, had actually been attacked. The collective definition of self-­defence allowed those states that had not been 176 Principles and concepts of the just war attacked or threatened to take offensive action against Iraq without violating the legal and moral norm that proscribes aggressive war: in attacking Iraq they were at the same time exercising the right of self-­defence. As a form of counter-­intervention this was an upholding rather than a violation of that

in The ethics of war
Abstract only
A. J. Coates

kind can be judged apart from its circumstances’. While the earlier threat or use of force would have been the sounder and more pacific policy in respect of Germany, in different circumstances a more conciliatory approach might be the more practical, and therefore the more moral, option. ‘How many wars’, he wrote, ‘have been precipitated by firebrands! How many misunderstandings which led to wars could have been removed by temporising!’ (Churchill 1985, Vol. I, p. 287). In the case of the First Gulf War the most frequently voiced criticism was not that of appeasement

in The ethics of war
Kelly Oliver

precision of a surgeon removing a cancerous tumour. High-tech weaponry displaces bodies in combat in modern warfare. We imagine war like a video-game, where our troops handle remote controls that ‘take-out’ the enemy, seemingly without the blood and guts of older forms of war. Of course, this is an illusion created by technologies of war that remote-kill and by a visual culture in which fantasies of war in the movies are as close to bloody bodies as most of us (in post-industrial developed countries) ever get. The media coverage of the first Gulf War, fed to the

in Democracy in crisis
The aporias and prospects of cosmopolitan visuality
Fuyuki Kurasawa

considered to socially exist, because they have never appeared in Western newspapers, television news reports or on the internet? Moreover, given images’ viral-like acceleration and global reach due to digital technologies of distribution, their political impact on vast segments of public opinion around the world is potentially explosive. No institution understands this better than the US government, whose inauguration of new tactics of control of media coverage over the course of the first Gulf War reached unprecedented heights of manipulation and censorship during the

in Democracy in crisis
Mark Garnett
and
Kevin Hickson

the first Gulf War did not begin until she had left office. No less than Edward Heath, Gilmour was invigorated by Thatcher’s decision not to contest the second ballot of the 1990 leadership contest; and although his first choice, Michael Heseltine, was eventually defeated by John Major, he had good reason to hope that the result would mark a return to ‘One Nation’ Conservative policies. Although Gilmour was careful to offer his support to Major in Dancing with Dogma (1992), that blistering critique of Thatcherism in theory and practice was written after its author

in Conservative thinkers
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

of European security cooperation. However, the Security and Defence Doctrine seems to‘re-write’ this shift to say that the tenets of Austrian neutrality altered after 1990 with the first Gulf War where ‘the legal view came to prevail in Austria that obligations under the Statute of the United Nations take precedence over obligations under neutrality’. The document then adds that the Swiss model of

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Ian Bellany

the size of the EU to 25 member states, portending a steep rise in the costs of running Euratom without much in the way of additional resources to meet these costs, given the relative weakness of the economies of the new members. The other was the revision of thinking at the IAEA subsequent to the alarms created by the discovery, in the aftermath of the first Gulf War, of Iraq’s secret bomb programme. This led to the emergence of the Additional Protocol and integrated safeguards, to which NPT parties individually and collectively under INFCIRC/193 are expected to

in Curbing the spread of nuclear weapons