Issues around the policing of public order and political expression are as topical today as in the past. This book explores the origins of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) that emerged in 1934 in protest at the policing of political extremes. It discusses the police attempts to discredit the NCCL and the use of Special Branch intelligence to perpetuate a view of the organisation as a front for the Communist Party. The book analyses the vital role played by the press and the prominent, well-connected backing for the organisation and provides a detailed discussion on the formation of the NCCL. The use of plain clothes police officers was a particularly sensitive matter and the introduction of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and subsequently Special Branch was controversial. The book examines the nature of the support for a civil liberties pressure group, the political orientation of the organisation, its place in non-party ideology and its role in a political culture. Liberal Internationalism, pacifist groups and women's organisations are also considered. The book then discusses the NCCL's networks, methods and associations through which it was able to bring complaints about legislation and police behaviour to public attention and into the parliamentary arena. Public, press, police and ministerial responses to the NCCL's activities form a focal point. Finally, it reviews the ongoing role and changing political relationships of the NCCL following Ronald Kidd's death in 1942, alongside the response of the police and Home Office to the emerging new regime.
enmities seem ready to disarm forever, to
pay homage to universal solidarity.1
By 1880 – the year that these hyperbolic lines were written – it was evident
that international congresses had become major vehicles for political, cultural
and scientific exchange. The increasing number of such events was but one
feature of a wider phenomenon: internationalism. The very same period that
has often been characterised as an age of nationalism also saw the migration
of ideas and people, the foundation of new international associations, and
various forms of activism that cut
Anti-militarism is today an unquestioned mainstay of anarchism. This book presents a systematic analysis of anarchist responses to the First World War. It examines the interventionist debate between Peter Kropotkin and Errico Malatesta which split the anarchist movement in 1914. The controversy revolved around conflicting interpretations of the shared ideas of internationalism and anti-militarism. The book analyses the debates conducted in European and American movements about class, nationalism, pacifism and cultural resistance. Just as Kropotkin's position was coherent with his anarchist beliefs, it was also a product of his rejection of the main assumptions of the peace politics of his day. Malatesta's dispute with Kropotkin provides a focus for the anti-interventionist campaigns he fought internationally. Contributions discuss the justness of war, non-violence and pacifism, anti-colonialism, pro-feminist perspectives on war and the potency of myths about the war and revolution for the reframing of radical politics in the 1920s and beyond. The collaboration between the Swiss-based anarchists and the Indian nationalists suggests that Bertoni's group was not impervious to collaboration with groups whose ideological tenets may have been in tension with the ideology of anarchism. During the First World War, American anarchists emphasised the positive, constructive aspects of revolutionary violence by aestheticising it as an outgrowth of individual creativity. Divisions about the war and the experience of being caught on the wrong side of the Bolshevik Revolution encouraged anarchists to reaffirm their deeply-held rejection of vanguard socialism and develop new strategies on anti-war activities.
Beyond the Happening uncovers the heterogeneous, uniquely interdisciplinary performance-based works that emerged in the aftermath of the early Happenings. Although by the mid-1960s Happenings were widely declared outmoded or even ‘dead’, this book shows how multiple practitioners continued to work with the form during the late 1960s and 1970s, pushing it into complex studies of interpersonal communication that drew on, but also contested, contemporary sociology and psychology. Focusing on Allan Kaprow, Marta Minujín, Carolee Schneemann and Lea Lublin, it charts how they revised and retooled the premises of the Happening. The resulting performances directly contributed to the wider discourse of communication studies, as it intersected with the politics of countercultural dropout, alternative pedagogies, soft diplomacy, cybernetics, antipsychiatry, sociological art and feminist consciousness raising. The network of activity generated through these interactions was inherently international, as artists sought to analyse the power dynamics involved in creating collaborative works in an increasingly globalised world. Beyond the Happening will be of interest to art historians engaged with performance practice after 1960, particularly in the USA, Europe and Latin America, and with the cross-fertilisation uniting Happenings, media art, body art, feminist art, conceptualism, photography film and video.
undeniably constituted a key site for transnational
political movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
7/27/2013 12:33:57 PM
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/18/2013, SPi
THE AGE OF INTERNATIONALISM AND BELGIUM
Early industrialisation had created precarious labour and living conditions,
captured by Karl Marx’s critique of Belgium as ‘the snug, well-hedged, little
paradise of the landlord, the capitalist, and the priest’.9 Indeed, liberal politicians were slow to tackle the country’s emerging social question: Carl
, distorting, or eye-opening, spurring approval, critique
or revision of beliefs, are inescapably made against a background of
existing knowledge and prior interpretation. In short, history, politics
and ideology cannot be separated.
This book seeks to recover central elements in the liberal jigsaw
puzzle of international politics by exploring the development, character
and legacy of the ideology of liberal internationalism in late nineteenthcentury and early twentieth-century Britain. It is a study of a way of
theorising and imagining international relations that dominated
The book traces the history of international humanitarianism from the anti-slavery movement to the end of the Cold War. It is based on an extensive survey of the international literature and is retold in an original narrative that relies on a close examination of the sources. It explains how relief entered both the national and the supranational institutions' agenda, and the programmes of non-governmental organisations, contributing to shape the relationship between the global North and South. The reconstruction of humanitarianism’s long history unfolds around some crucial moments and events: the colonial expansion of European countries, the two World Wars and their aftermaths, the emergence of a new postcolonial order. Salvatici looks especially closely at the major actors of aid operations (such as the Red Cross, Save the Children, the United Nations agencies, Oxfam, Doctors Without Borders) and highlights how the meaning of international humanitarianism has changed over time.
The consumer co-operative movement was one of the most important popular movements in inter-war Europe, but remains under-researched by historians in comparison to other social movements, especially with regard to its international dimensions. From 1895, the co-operative movement also had its own international organisation, the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA). This book explores the transnational history of consumer co-operation from the establishment of the movement in the second half of the nineteenth century to the outbreak of the Second World War, focusing in particular on co-operation in the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden). The co-operative movement was especially strong throughout the region and the Nordic co-operative federations played a prominent role in the ICA. The fundamental question explored in the book concerns the meaning of co-operation: was it a social movement or an economic enterprise? Did it aspire to challenge capitalism or to reform it? Did it contain at its heart a political vision for the transformation of society or was it simply a practical guide for organising a business? I argue that it was both, but that an examination of the debates over the different meanings of co-operation can also illuminate broader questions about the emergence of consumer interests in the first half of the twentieth century, especially in a transnational context. Studying the Nordic co-operative movement also helps to shed light on the growing international interest in this region and the emergence of a Nordic “middle way” during the 1930s.
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/18/2013, SPi
It might seem counterintuitive to start a book on internationalism by
considering nationalism – yet the two phenomena were mutually dependent.
Internationalists evoked national arguments to solicit support for their
schemes; at the same time, international congresses and associations provided
staging grounds for the representation of nationhood. Be it in science, politics
or the arts, internationalism depended upon the nation as a central point of
reference. In this respect, any discussion of
CH APTER 7
To be sane in a world of madmen is itself a kind of madness. (JeanJacques Rousseau, 17561)
The twentieth century dealt liberal internationalism a peculiar fate. In
practical politics, liberal internationalism had a profound influence on
the values and institutions underpinning international politics since the
end of the First World War – the League of Nations, the United Nations,
their different systems of collective security, the most important economic
institutions as well as the development of international law in the realms