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The shifting boundaries of politics in Norwegian healthcare
Anette Fagertun

volume). The current overall and consensual political framing of the welfare state as in ‘crisis’ is understood as constituting a hegemonic narrative, and representing a critical juncture that creates a ‘window of opportunity’ for radical change in public welfare (see also Vabø 2015 ). At this juncture, labour conditions and employment arrangements in the municipal healthcare sector seem to fall outside most policy frames, something that is indicative of a non-recognition of labour as a political category in this context as well as of a change in the boundaries of

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Capital’s insatiable need to destroy
David Whyte

Bellamy Foster and his colleagues concluded that this was a typical example of “ecological imperialism” that brutally gave impetus to the “enormous net flow of ecological resources from South to North” and facilitated labour conditions that Marx called “worse than slavery”.43 Crucial to this story was that the extraction of guano from Peru’s islands and coastline was organised by colonial trading companies. The trade 86 WHYTE 9781526146984 PRINT.indd 86 29/06/2020 14:40 From colonialism to ecocide to Britain was organised by Anthony Gibb and Son (now part of the

in Ecocide
Laura Suski

. Some buycotts and boycotts have successfully produced moral communities that join localised consumers with distant producers, and in turn, have contributed to initiatives to improve labour conditions for workers and more sustainable forms of production. However, due to the natures of contemporary childhood and parenting, toy consumption often works to separate and alienate consumers from producers, rather than bringing

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Class, gender and race
Duncan Wheeler

health cover, 68 but this was often tied up with employment contracts, and was thereby exposed to fluctuations in the market and labour conditions. A demographic boom combined with rising unemployment figures, which rocketed from 4.7 per cent in 1976 to peak at 21.7 per cent in 1985, provided ripe preconditions for juvenile delinquency, already on the rise prior to Franco’s death. 69 Of adolescents arrested for the first time, 34 per cent had been physically abused for years; 88 per cent of teenagers with criminal records came from impoverished backgrounds, 75 per

in Following Franco
Gender (and) politics in Colombian women’s documentary
Deborah Martin

does not, however, ultimately resist the desire to re-fix meaning through the reification of woman. The film centres on the Castañeda family, who are brickmakers ( chir caleros ) suffering extreme poverty and horrific labour conditions in an ‘urban latifundium’ 4 of Bogotá. Anthropologically oriented, it combines still photography of the workers and haunting periods of silence, a God-like narrator and

in Hispanic and Lusophone women filmmakers
Abstract only
Material methods for exploring food and cooking
Sarah Marie Hall, Laura Pottinger, Megan Blake, Susanna Mills, Christian Reynolds, and Wendy Wrieden

through a series of production and consumption practices has been of intense interest to social scientists, particularly for how it intersects with ideas about workers’ rights and labour conditions, waste and resource use, and the cultural place of consumer goods in everyday life. Here, the commodity is depicted as having a ‘lifespan’ or a ‘life history’ (Appadurai, 1986 ; Cook et al . , 2004 ; Cook, Crang and Thorpe, 2004 ), stretching from the processes of production onwards. This progression of food as material, from raw product to disposal (as the product

in Mundane Methods
Conservative responses to nationalisation and Poplarism, 1900–40
Liam Ryan

’ on its programme ‘for three decades’, with the most ‘incessant demands’ for public ownership coming from the Labour Party and trade unions in recent years. Nationalisation, he suggested, would increase the scope for ‘political corruption’ as socialists and organised labour sought ‘more pay and less work’. In a nationalised railway industry, wages and labour conditions

in The many lives of corruption
Abstract only
Scott Wilson

culture. Nike have been able to survive bad publicity concerning exploitative conditions of production in Vietnam and China through the utilisation of the cultural cool and hip sophistication of the descendants of slave labour. Indifferent to labour conditions in the East, white kids in the suburban malls will buy anything authenticated by the sovereignty of AfricanAmerican non-productive expenditure, the enjoyment embodied by the gangsta or African-American sporting hero. The disaffected son of the retired CIA agent played by Robert de Niro in 12 Great Satan’s rage

in Great Satan’s rage
Marc James Léger

life’ associated with liberal ideals of individual autonomy, lifestyle choice and even deviance or freedom from institutions. Such imaginary self-relating and self-discipline masks the fact that the mass precarisation of labour is ‘forced on people who fall out of normal labour conditions.’ 8 In the age of post-Fordist capitalism, and with an increasingly educated population, control is managed through the productivity of sociality itself. The point of contention here is whether it is the productivity of the immaterial worker that is valorised in excess of capital

in Vanguardia
Scott Wilson

don’t give a fuck like we don’t give a fuck, put your muthafuckin’ hands in the air’ (Snoop Doggy Dogg, ‘For all my Niggaz and Bitches’, 1993). Picking up on the sovereign indifference of the niggas with attitude ironically played upon by Snoop Dogg on Doggystyle (1993), white kids, similarly indifferent to labour conditions in the East, buy anything that might be associated with the power and enjoyment of the gangsta or African-American sporting hero. At the same time, Nike also overcome such bad publicity through their use of positive advertising which is conveyed

in Great Satan’s rage