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His life and cultural interests
Cesare Cuttica

things as are dearest and of most necessity at home’, making another profit. Borrowing and lending were free activities pertaining to private agents on the market. They could be conditioned neither by external regulators nor by biblical precepts.53 To follow Mosaic laws to the detriment of ‘the rules and principles of naturall reason’ was a pure absurdity.54 Praising the ‘artificial’ nature of ‘increase or gain’,55 Filmer held that ‘[n]either God nor Nature’ had established a fixed value for land, commodities or money. There was ‘no Text’ which could ‘prove an Acre

in Sir Robert Filmer (1588-1653) and the patriotic monarch
Ivan Evans

(equality) with blacks: it also amplified fears of biological assimilation into blackness in a few mixed-race slums sprouting up in the country’s largest towns. Rape panics were therefore a clarion call to stand firm against the sexual seductions that poverty imposed on the most destitute whites. Rape panics also became opportunities for priests and town planners to pontificate on bourgeois morality and “civilized standards.” In the South, white males who raped or enjoyed voluntary sex with black women became violent Ku Klux Klan “regulators” when an allegation of rape

in Cultures of Violence
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The impact of Sturges Bourne’s reforms
Samantha A. Shave

, select vestry minute of 29 November 1833, HRO 45M83/​ PV1. As Burchardt notes, deciphering the precise motivations behind the creation of allotments is difficult. Either way, Sturges Bourne’s Act of 1819 facilitated parishes to act as the regulators of such schemes; Burchardt, The Allotment Movement, p. 34. 159 Shipley, select vestry minute of 16 April 1829, WSRO Par162/​12/​1. 160 J. Burchardt, ‘Rural social relations, 1830–​50:  opposition to allotments for labourers’, Agricultural History Review, 45 (1997), 166. For research on the work of the Labourer’s Friend

in Pauper policies
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Resistance and responses to marital violence, 1922–65
Cara Diver

admitted to beating his wife so badly that she had to spend sixty-five days in a local infirmary, insisted that his wife had intentionally provoked him with her verbal abuse. He complained that she had called him ‘objectionable names’, ‘abused’ him, and told him to go to hell in an attempt to get him ‘sent away’.12 Women also used words as a form of defence against future abuse. As we will see later in this chapter, women told family, friends, and neighbours about their violent husbands, which in some cases elicited community disapproval that acted as a regulator against

in Marital violence in post-independence Ireland, 1922–96
Heather Shore

. Colquhoun, A Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis (London, C. Dilly, 1796), pp. 187–209. See also Beattie, Crime and the Courts, pp. 189–90; L. Radzinowicz, A History of the English Criminal Law: Vol. 3, The Reform of The Police (London, Stevens & Sons, 1956), pp. 71–3, 253. 95 C. Hitchen, The Regulator: or, a Discovery of the Thieves, Thief-takers, and Locks, Alias Receivers of Stolen Goods in and About the City of London . . . by a Prisoner in Newgate (London, W. Boreham, 1718). 96 McMullen, The Canting Crew, pp. 111–13, for these quotes see p. 111. 97 On the link

in The poor in England 1700–1850
Hugh Cunningham

century, leisure time was recognised as necessary and legitimate. Class feeling was still often a regulator of access to space for leisure, rational recreationists and their successors still hoped to improve the quality and facilities for leisure, the state, both national and local, acted as a licensing body for leisure activities, but the balance of power was very different to what it had been. Workers had a right, and knew that they had a right, to leisure. There were many workers, especially those who were casual or part-time, who had benefited hardly at all from

in Time, work and leisure
Open Access (free)
Balancing the self in the twentieth century
Mark Jackson and Martin D. Moore

responsibility for action to individuals. Actors as diverse as self-help authors, public health practitioners, patients’ organisations, health and safety regulators and food and pharmaceutical companies all positioned individual subjects as the locus of imbalance and agent for change. To achieve or maintain balance, these actors suggested that individual citizens, consumers or patients needed to develop new relations to their minds and bodies, to how they perceived, represented and conducted themselves. Such ministrations were only partially altruistic, only partially aimed

in Balancing the self
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Corruption and the reform of public life in modern Britain
Ian Cawood and Tom Crook

and cynical, partisan ‘mud-slinging’ became difficult to hold. This culture no doubt stimulated a novel focus on personal ‘conflicts of interest’ between the public duties of ministers and MPs and their private, normally financial, concerns. Although MPs and ministers remained effectively their own regulators, reflecting their time-honoured ‘privileges’ as parliamentarians, conventions governing the

in The many lives of corruption
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Risk, health and manliness
Juliette Pattinson, Arthur McIvor, and Linsey Robb

the higher rates of injuries and deaths on the job. While factory welfare provision widened (notably medical and canteen facilities), Factory and Mines Acts were widely ignored during the war. The number of regulators and inspectors declined, and those remaining were burdened with other wartime duties, such as ARP, which diverted them from policing health-​and-​safety regulations. As a result, one medical v 217 v 218 Men in reserve expert noted in a 1943 lecture on the ‘health of the factory worker in war-​ time’ that ‘the role of Factory Inspectors in recent

in Men in reserve
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Military law and same-sex desire
Emma Vickers

by the King’s Regulations. Overwhelmingly, bodies on active service were policed not by ‘official’ regulators of the law but by their peers and their superiors. In all of this activity, pragmatism and morale were the determining factors in deciding if action should be taken and the form it should take. Queering indecency One of the fundamental problems which hinders an accurate quantification of how many men were taken to a court-­martial for homosex is the use of the catch-­all term ‘indecency’. Every case that went to a court-­ martial was recorded in a force

in Queen and country