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The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace

compound attack, for example, some affected staff felt the need to go public after their organisations failed to do so. Yet, speaking out as an individual in such an instance can come at a great personal risk, not only of re-traumatisation but also to one’s career in the humanitarian field. This dynamic can be particularly heightened in cases involving sexual violence, especially due to the stigmatisation surrounding this form of violence and the predominance of men in security management roles ( Mazurana and Donnelly, 2017 ). While acknowledging the desirability of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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The Oxford Amnesty Lectures 2006
Editor: Chris Miller

'Terror' is a diffuse notion that takes no account of local particularities and 'war on terror' is a contradiction in terms. This book is based on the lectures that were given on the subject in Oxford in 2006. Amnesty has described 'war on terror' as a war on human rights. It is also a contest of narratives: stories that the protagonists tell about themselves, about their enemies, and about what is happening now. The book considers how the recent actions of the United States have stressed and stretched two areas of international law: the right of self-defence, and the rules of international humanitarian law. State terrorism, with a bit of careful spin, can be reclassified as counter-terrorism, in other words as inherently good in the same way that terrorism is inherently bad. The book engages with the politico-conceptual difficulties of distinguishing between war and terrorism. The interface and tensions between the human rights tradition and the Islamic tradition, particularly Islamic law, is discussed. The intensification of Western repression against Islamic thinkers or activists has at times been coupled with policies that seemed designed to change the religious trajectory of society. The sexualization of torture is only one way in which the 'war on terror' has delineated who is (and who is not) human. Religion, human rights, and trauma narratives are three other mechanisms for rationalizing suffering. The book also discusses the subject of censuring reckless killing of innocent civilians by the issue of fatwas by Muslim teachers.

In conversation with Jackie Dugard
Zuziwe Khuzwayo and Ragi Bashonga

engage in various daily activities; this is true in the context of higher education as well (Stats SA, 2018 ). Historically there has been some ignorance, coupled with denialism, of the reality of GBV on university campuses, both globally and in the South African context (Dugard and Finilescu, 2021 ). The issue of sexual violence on campus has long been an issue at institutes of higher education in South Africa. There is a record of student activism against its occurrence from as early as the 1980s

in Intimacy and injury
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Alison Phipps

just a lack of solidarity. Privileged white women also sacrifice more marginalised people to achieve our aims, or even define them as enemies when they get in our way. #MeToo is a movement about sexual violence, most of which is perpetrated by cisgender men. This book is also about violence – especially the violence we can do in the name of fighting sexual violence. When I say ‘we’, I mainly mean white women and white feminists. This book is addressed to my fellow white feminists; although it is dedicated to Black feminists, they will not need to read it.1 For

in Me, not you
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Alison Phipps

our politics. We would need to let our ideas and actions be led by more marginalised people. We would need to work against how racial capitalism divides and stratifies us for profit. Sexual violence is a pivot for the intersecting sys­ tems of heteropatriarchy, racial capitalism and colonialism. And politically white feminism, whether mainstream or reactionary, fails to interrogate two of the three. It is complicit with the racial capitalism, and its colonial and neo-colonial expansion, which frames violent and sexually violent abuses of power. Instead of

in Me, not you
Alison Phipps

PRINT.indd 12 14/01/2020 13:18 Gender in a right-moving world assault had drastically altered her life. While remodelling the house she shared with her husband she had insisted on a second front door – a potential escape route. As she had explained why she needed one, she had described the assault to her husband in detail. She recalled saying at the time that ‘the boy who assaulted me could someday be on the U.S. Supreme Court’. As a survivor of sexual violence, this phrase rings in my ears: it represents the right of powerful men to abuse women with impunity. It

in Me, not you
Of intersectionality, rage and injury
Amanda Gouws

We live a world that is saturated with sex. Imagery of sexual intercourse, sexuality and women’s objectification can be readily accessed through advertisements, television series, online chat rooms and online pornographic sites. Sexual imagery in cyberspace rarely deals with erotica, women’s sexual desire and consent. We also live in a world that is saturated with sexual violence against women, often graphically depicted in digital spaces, television series, social media, and normalised in pornography

in Intimacy and injury
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Alison Phipps

Chapter 2 Me, not you In 2006 Black feminist Tarana Burke created an organisation to help survivors of sexual violence, particularly young women of colour, find pathways to healing. Reflecting her central principle of empowerment through empathy, Burke named her programme of work ‘Me Too’. In 2017 the phrase went viral as a hashtag, following allegations against film producer Harvey Weinstein by a number of famous women in Hollywood. ‘If you’ve been sexually harassed or assaulted,’ tweeted Alyssa Milano, ‘write “me too” as a reply to this tweet.’ #MeToo is

in Me, not you
Theorizing sexual violence during the feminist sex wars of the 1980s
Mara Keire

, respectively, in 1970, they sparked a flowering of radical feminist thought, inspiring other women activists to speak, write, and organize, but over the course of the decade, radical feminists increasingly diverged in their thought about the causes and consequences of women’s oppression. Those differences crystallized during the 1982 Barnard Conference on Sexuality which Carole Vance coordinated and women belonging to anti-pornography organizations picketed. Although feminists had been fighting sexual violence and pornography since the beginning of the 1970s, the Barnard

in Marxism and America
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Sabine Lee

nature, were in a position to contemplate larger political and military contexts, and as such were better placed than national legislators to reconsider the references to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) as previously addressed in the Hague Regulations and the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols. In these earlier provisions,19 the concept of sexual crimes was limited to the prohibition of rape, with no express definition of what constituted rape.20 Moreover, at the time of the Hague Regulations and Geneva Convention, the kinds of atrocities witnessed in

in Children born of war in the twentieth century