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Stacey Gutkowski

’ may, in some instances choose to obey religious authority and engage in religious practices. 59 Individual choice is not infinite. For example, Mizrahi masorti heritage(s) provides a flexible model for following Jewish tradition, but within the boundaries of the types of practice followed by someone’s immediate social network. 60 Social class also plays a role. 61 Among hilonim , there is a spectrum of practices which are commonly understood by hilonim as ‘Israeli’ and which Liebman called ‘Jewish popular culture’. 62 Individuals and families adopt or

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
Processes of settlement in Denmark
Marianne Holm Pedersen

network was confined to Iraqi Shi‘a Muslim circles. In some ways, this may not seem surprising. A large number of migration studies have shown how migrants become part of ethnic communities in the migration destination (e.g. Al-Rasheed 1998; Shaw 1988; Werbner 1990). With a focus on ethnicity one might therefore suggest that women’s networks made up a form of continuity rooted in their ethno-religious backgrounds. However, by also exploring issues of social class and gender as they are played out in women’s lives and Danish society respectively, it becomes apparent that

in Iraqi women in Denmark
The challenges of neoliberalisation
Marco Oberti and Edmond Préteceille

16  Marco Oberti and Edmond Préteceille Urban segregation, inequalities and local welfare: the challenges of neoliberalisation The central argument of this chapter is twofold: the transformation of social structures and that of welfare-state regimes have to be considered together; urban inequalities and segregation are crucial in relating these two processes. The first part discusses the relevance of social class analysis in the face of the fragmentation produced by changing work relations, the growth of the service sector, the expansion of the middle classes

in Western capitalism in transition
Peter J. Martin

Chap 6 10/7/06 11:51 am Page 105 6 Musical life in the ‘first industrial city’ With the Concert of Ancient Music [1776] began a peculiarly modern institution: upper class people displaying their social status and their musical sophistication while revering great music from the past. It is necessary to recognise that two quite distinct factors are involved here – social class and musical taste. While in some respects they reinforced each other, in other ways they bred contradictions. (William Weber, 1992: 1) Introduction It was argued in the previous

in Music and the sociological gaze
‘Crisis music’ and political ephemera in the emergent ‘structure of feeling’, 1976–83
Herbert Pimlott

to be taken into consideration. Second, it reclaims those products of subcultural production as resources for reconstructing the ‘emergent’ (e.g. alternative, resistant) ‘structure of feeling’ as revealed through the typeface, layout, words, phrases, symbols and sounds of the music and political ephemera: ‘affective elements of consciousness and relationships … thought as felt and feeling as thought’.5 Finally, this chapter demonstrates the importance of recovering the ‘lived experiences’ of a subaltern social class or subculture as a means to gaining a fuller

in Fight back
New identities and the British 'culture war'
Robert Johns

of 5 points. Meanwhile, the differences across social classes, already meagre in 2017, narrowed even further in 2019. 6 Conservative gains and Labour losses were largest among those in manual occupations (C2s and DEs) and, so, unlike in 2017, the Tories won across the social-class board. BES investigators, using an alternative (and probably superior) measure of class, reach a dramatic conclusion: the

in Breaking the deadlock
British military nursing in the Crimean War
Carol Helmstadter

different construction of women’s role in a society that was becoming increasingly defined by social class. I look first at the way disease was understood and treated and what that meant for what nurses had to know. I then consider two barriers that prevented 24 Class, gender and professional expertise the public from grasping that efficient nursing required the kind of knowledge base which, at that time, could only be gained through clinical experience. The first barrier was the persistence of the image of nurses as working-class women who really were essentially

in One hundred years of wartime nursing practices, 1854–1953
A Conservative suffragette?
June Purvis

’ rather than putting first issues of social class, she is represented as right wing.24 I have always found such analyses problematic since these influential feminist historians judge Christabel Pankhurst from a socialist feminist perspective ­­ – a­ nd find her wanting. Christabel was not oblivious to the class inequalities between Christabel Pankhurst: a Conservative suffragette? 33 women, but she did not put social class relationships and the class struggle at the heart of her feminist perspective. For Christabel Pankhurst, the subjection and subordinate status of

in Rethinking right-wing women
A micro-structural analysis
Dana M. Williams

, 18 percent felt religious anarchists should be moderate, while only 27 percent felt that anarchists should be atheists. Consequently, anarchism today constitutes a “big tent,” with much internal diversity.17 Although movements appear to be far more male than one would expect to randomly find, anarchists include people from very diverse backgrounds, ideologies, and identities. One of the more interesting micro characteristics involves that which typically unified classic anarchist movements: social class. Anarchists’ social class Social class has always been a

in Black flags and social movements
Abstract only
Anna Green and Kathleen Troup

production to another took place through a process Marx described as a dialectic. Each mode of production contained within it contradictions which would create conflict between social classes and cause its downfall. Consequently each successive stage of human history contained both a dominant class, and one that would overthrow it. In capitalist society Marx anticipated that the proletariat, or working class, would eventually overthrow the bourgeoisie, and initiate another system of productive relations, a fourth epoch of socialism. His grand, overarching evolutionary

in The houses of history