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Sites and rites, 1642–60
J. F. Merritt

crucially important to a locality that had traditionally defined itself in terms of its special relationship with royal authority. Its status as the seat of national government was under threat, and it is therefore hardly surprising that local inhabitants anxiously sought to reassure parliament of their loyalty when MPs returned to Westminster in January 1642.2 In 1653 Westminster’s inhabitants would be equally apprehensive when this same parliament was finally dissolved, anxiously seeking assurance from the Council of State that its successor would also meet in

in Westminster 1640–60
Intoxication and Romanticism
James Nicholls

used to describe it. ‘Confessions of a drunkard’ not only depicted the experience of addiction from the perspective of the addict, but it turned 76 chap6.indd 76 22/06/2009 10:53:55 Ungovernable passions that experience into a literary event. Dionysus reborn Of course, intoxication has always had a special relationship with art. Classical concepts of Dionysian inspiration fed into early modern poetry: symposiastic poetry, which praised alcohol for both its conviviality and its ability to inspire, was popular from the Renaissance onwards, despite being rejected as

in The politics of alcohol
Karen Garner

. 24 Nonetheless, the meeting produced a document, the Atlantic Charter, that articulated common Anglo-American values and shared political goals to be pursued in the postwar world, as well as additional consequential results. It established the fraternal friendship between Roosevelt and Churchill 25 and cemented the wartime Anglo-American “special relationship” through the creation of national myths of brotherhood and shared warrior values – major achievements for the two leaders’ first encounter, to be sure. The

in Friends and enemies
Thomas Robb

latest US Submarine Launch Ballistic Missile nuclear weapons system) would be sold to the UK, he refused to yield.91 Further to this, Kissinger also instructed US Treasury Secretary George Shultz to stop any special information being given to the British pertaining to ongoing monetary discussions. As he reasoned: ‘I want to get your area synchronized with ours so that they [Britain] can’t claim a special relationship 03_Strained_partnership_073-127.indd 88 06/11/2013 13:45 A year of discord 89 in one field and really put it to us in other fields’.92 In sum, under

in A strained partnership?
Representing the Chartist crowd in 1848
Jo Briggs

be incorporated. For Plotz, literary texts can ‘record features of the era’s crowds that no other historical sources can supply’.64 It may in fact have been images, namely Kilburn’s daguerreotypes, which had this special relationship with the Chartist crowd in 1848. However, rather than privileging the daguerreotype above other forms of representation, this chapter has shown that the daguerreotype found a specific resonance with the crowd precisely because it was enmeshed within a broad network of images and texts, which worked together to form a grid within which

in Novelty fair
The unexpected security consequences of Brexit
Federiga Bindi

training infrastructures (Pannier 2016 ). However, a key rationale for the British government was to develop regional defense ties outside the EU. Indeed, British governments had been gradually disengaging from the CSDP (especially CSDP operations and the EDA) since the mid-2000s, while at the same time constantly reasserting the centrality of NATO and the ‘Special Relationship’ with Washington as the cornerstones of the UK’s security (Pannier 2016 ). The UK and France have achieved significant results in cooperation since 2010, in armaments, nuclear cooperation and

in The European Union after Brexit
John Lough

Germans can claim to have a closeness to Russia that others do not. Their consciousness of guilt, still actively encouraged by Moscow, contributes to this sensation. Equally, Russians know Germany in ways others cannot. To this extent, there is a deep underlying special relationship between the two countries; they have shared historical memory not just of successful cooperation and murderous destruction but of the fine line between them. Germany’s policy thinking about Russia today turns on this duality in history. Germany naturally seeks to have as much friendly

in Germany’s Russia problem
Superpower rivalry

Four questions stand before the historian of the cold war and the Arab-Israeli conflict: 1) Did Israel and the US have a 'special relationship'? 2) Were Soviet-Israeli relations destined for failure from 1948? 3) Was the Arab-Israeli conflict insoluble because of the cold war or in spite of it? 4)Was detente between the superpowers the key to solving the Arab-Israeli conflict? Israel failed to get a security guarantee from the US because if it were granted ally status the Arab states would turn to the Soviets. Instead of a security guarantee Kennedy used the nebulous term 'special relationship', which did not bind America politically or militarily. Relations with the USSR looked promising at first, but the Zionist ideology of the Jewish state made it inevitable that relations with would worsen , since the Kremlin rejected the notion that Soviet Jews were by definition part of the Jewish nation, and therefore candidates for emigration to Israel. As for the Arabs, they were adamant that the Palestinian refugees return en mass, which meant the destruction of of Israel. No compromise suggested by the US was acceptable to to the Arabs , who were always supported by the USSR.The Soviets demanded detente cover not only the Arab states and Israel, but Turkey and Iran as well. Consequently the Middle East remained a no-man's-land between the superpowers' spheres of influence, inexorably paving the way for the wars in 1956 and 1967.

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Culture, ‘specialness,’ and new directions
Robert M. Hendershot
Steve Marsh

It is special. It just is. And that’s that. Margaret Thatcher 2 The fundamental objective of this project was to make a simple, perhaps seemingly self-evident point: culture matters to the vitality of the Anglo-American special relationship and to our understanding of it. By adopting a suggestive rather than prescriptive approach to how culture matters, the chapters of this volume have done more than illuminate myriad Anglo-American cultural interconnections. Rather, through their diverse methodologies and topics, they have also expanded the boundaries

in Culture matters
An uneasy relationship?

Drawing extensively on recently released documents and private papers, this is the first extensive book-length study to examine the intimate relationship between the Attlee government and Britain’s intelligence and security services. Often praised for the formation of the modern-day ‘welfare state’, Attlee’s government also played a significant, if little understood, role in combatting communism at home and overseas, often in the face of vocal, sustained, opposition from their own backbenches. Beneath Attlee’s calm exterior lay a dedicated, if at times cautious, Cold War warrior, dedicated to combatting communism at home and overseas. This study tells the story of Attlee’s Cold War. At home, the Labour government implemented vetting to protect Whitehall and other areas of the Cold War state from communists, while, overseas, Attlee and his Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin authorised a series of highly secret special operations in Eastern Europe, designed to erode Soviet influence, told here for the first time in significant detail. More widely, Ministers also strengthened Imperial and Commonwealth security and, responding to a series of embarrassing spy scandals, tried to revive Britain’s vital nuclear transatlantic ‘special relationship’ with Washington. This study is essential reading for anyone interested in the Labour Party, intelligence, security and Britain’s foreign and defence policy at the start of the Cold War.