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of slum clearance and urban redevelopment, informed members of NAREB in January 1950 that there existed ‘maximum opportunity for private enterprise to engage in the development or redevelopment’ of slums and that those who took up this ‘unprecedented opportunity’ would be able to write off some of the costs accrued, thus making it ‘generally competitive’ to buy ‘hitherto unavailable land’ in slum redevelopment areas. According to Keith, there was a ‘wide range of potential redevelopment activity for private
changes still Recuperation 187 occurring in the areas under consideration: the Carré de Soie and Ile de Nantes described in this book, for instance, are not quite the sites one would find on a return visit. The work continues. Contemporary, ongoing processes such as urban redevelopment outpace our efforts to analyse them in writing, especially when one writes as slowly as I do. Thus the dates at the start of each chapter serve as reminders that this is a book of history, however recent that history might be. They locate the reader and myself, offering us both a set
Paris Opera (opened in 1875) and its actual history, Leroux both unearths and conceals several ironic foundations of a capital city that had by 1910 become a model for urban redevelopment throughout much of Europe. In order for this new ‘palace of the people’ to be built, many old buildings and alley-ways of central Paris had been ruthlessly demolished, forcing the poorer and working-class inhabitants
turned his attention to the impact of cultural globalisation. Urban redevelopment, in fact, had meant more than foreign investments and property boom; it had attracted thousands of immigrants in search of better life and career prospects. A number of them included refugees and asylum-seekers from the former Yugoslavia, who would come to Ireland and make their new home in Dublin. These added to other foreigners who had been there for decades.3 Before long, the significant increase in the number of immigrants living in the country posed a threat to the traditional
geographically by a series of urban renewal objectives that sought to regenerate dilapidated urban areas. The 1986 Urban Renewal Act put in place a number of tax incentives that were integral in kick-starting the Irish property market by allowing developers to claim back tax on income over a ten-year period; projects included several flagship urban redevelopments, initially in Dublin and later in other cities (MacLaran and McGuirk, 2001; Moore, 2008; O’Callaghan and Linehan, 2007). From 1998, the Pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Region – a predominantly rural
‘media consumption is increasingly occurring in public space’, as the built environment becomes an assemblage of mediated forms in the shape of signature buildings, the branding of ambitious urban redevelopments, and electronic displays covering the entire visible surface of buildings. Digital media accelerates the process of mediatising the city, by enabling convergence of media forms, intensifying relations between the different actants in the city (including citizens, built environment, media displays and transport and communication infrastructure networks) and
estate firms and construction companies that controlled the urban redevelopment. 57 An editorial from a special issue of Cuadernos para el diálogo speaks of how and why the ‘right to the city is a basic social demand, a genuine national priority in our case’. 58 Vallecas was the first major stranglehold of local activism. Annexed to Madrid in 1950, this once autonomous municipality had seen its population quadruple over the course of the decade, from 56,530 to 222,602 in 1960. 59 Many
that the existence of slums like the Gorbals often led outsiders to view Glasgow in a negative light (Damer 1990 ). But the city has reinvented itself as a post-industrial city and cultural destination with some success (Tucker 2008 ), becoming a venue for the National Garden Festival and European Capital of Culture in 1990 (Garcia 2004 ; Mooney 2004 ). And, while it was possible for researchers such as Patrick ( 1973 ) to seek to analyse Glasgow’s gang culture in the 1970s, urban redevelopment and population dispersal and overspill have broken up many of the
medieval streets. Writing on London in 1872, Taine expressed the common idea that ‘certainly Napoleon III demolished and rebuilt Paris only because he had lived in London …’. 8 While the political absolutism of the urban redevelopment strategy was clearly at odds with English ways of shaping the cityscape, specific elements of the new Paris made direct reference to admired features of London. Although attempts to create Parisian docks on a scale at all comparable with London’s were predictably unsuccessful they were
of the capitalist world-system as involving a neat division among core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral zones. For a critique of the latter in the context of post-1980s patterns of geoeconomic restructuring, state rescaling, and urban redevelopment, see Brenner ( 1999 ). 7 Many intellectual