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awaiting war crimes trials. But they were neighbours – and they were beginning again. Is it tougher than that? I just came back from the Dead Sea in Jordan where I met with leaders of the current Israeli government and some of the Palestinians who have long been friends of mine. In this last intifada they lost 1,800 Palestinians and over 600 Israelis. They are talking as if they have a new beginning right ahead of them. Is it tougher than that? Finally, all politics is local. What does that mean for Northern Ireland? Look at the context. Over the next twenty years the
’ arrival and the first guard duty. It was in this time that hoods were put on and stress positions first enforced. 108 Lance Corporal Wayne Crowcroft and Kingsman Darren Fallon faced charges of inhuman treatment in connection with their time on guard duty. 109 Finally, Payne was charged with manslaughter in respect of Baha Mousa, the war crime of inhuman treatment in respect of Baha Mousa and the other detainees, and
stories of rebellion While these stories of the romantic rebel who is struggling for noble ideals against an unjust and more powerful order are very much present in both the media and political coverage of the conflict in Libya, other, less amicable narratives exist only at the margins despite their potential truthfulness. The following section will briefly illustrate two such narratives, one which tells a story in which rebels are responsible for war crimes and human rights violations during and after the conflict and one in which the rebels fighting Gaddafi have links
player in the Darfur conflict, which led in March 2009 to the indictment of President al-Bashir for war crimes by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Various rounds of Darfur peace negotiations were held in Qatar until the completion of the Doha peace document, and Qatar donated $2 billion for the development of the Darfur region. 10 Autonomous Qatari foreign policy that emerged in the wake of Arab Spring was oriented towards the support of Muslim Brotherhood movements and governments, including the NSR. ‘In many
controversial murder of civilians into the British consensus for the benefit of British audiences. In recent years, with the proliferation of ‘peace processes’ and Truth and Reconciliation Committees, and in light of the increasing prevalence of what is becoming known as ‘memory studies’, discourses of memory of catastrophe are shifting from the margin to the centre, and from the realm of the victims to that of the perpetrators. This is despite the fact that war crimes tribunals have mainly served the interests and political and moral needs of the international community
, 5 August 1980; Platzoder, 1987 : 302; emphasis added) This statement, pushing for the title of CHM to fall under the jus cogens category, alongside the prohibition of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, demonstrates the importance these states attributed to the CHM at the time. Although many states supported
numerous casualties, particularly among civilians and including many children’. The report explicitly declared that this was a war crime and a violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol. The attack was a two-pronged strike against the Zamalka district in the east of the Ghouta region, and the Moadamiya district to the west. Zamalka was attacked early in the morning, between 2 and 3 a
of the State, of its right to absorb and override the individual, to prevail against morality, indeed practically to deny the existence of international morality where State power is concerned – it is this deadly theory which is at the bottom of the German aggression’. 64 Bryce also headed a committee which was ordered by the British War Propaganda Bureau to write a report (1915) on German war crimes in Belgium. The report was translated into thirty languages and clearly served as a means of wartime propaganda, since it used questionable sources to demonstrate
Britain, the tides turned against appeasement during the war and the realism of the 1930s was soon discredited. 121 However, Borchard did not revise his views even when all the horrors of the Holocaust and the war crimes of Nazi Germany were unveiled. His stubbornness is unsettling. When faced with genocide and unprecedented atrocities, how could one continue to opine that interventions abroad were illegitimate unless mandated by a country’s vital interests? How could Borchard, who helped so many Jewish émigrés still claim that fighting the Nazis was the wrong thing to
Israel put the captured Adolf Eichmann on trial in what became a highly publicised, worldwide media event that re-awakened fears of anti-Semitism. In 1965, there was a bruising debate over extending the statutes for war crimes in Germany, and the following year the National Democratic Party (NPD) enjoyed surprising electoral success. All of these events reinforced the need to re-examine some of the easy ways in which Germanness had been incorporated in Americanism. 12 Indeed, the fracturing of the Cold War consensus was the dominant factor in shaping images of