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decades. 19 If there was a will for greater protection, state planning and modern science appeared to offer a means for its provision. Although much would later be made of the “technocratic age” of the 1950s and 1960s, it was in the 1940s that the British state would begin to take greater control of once-private industries in the name of efficiency and accountability. 20 Indeed, it was through the establishment of monitoring statistics during this time that the Ministry of Health was able to monitor the apathy that it would see in the 1950s and how it would come to
facilities were absorbed into the NHS in 1948. While large hospital provision for people with learning disabilities continued to expand until the late 1960s, most had closed by the end of the twentieth century.9 An apparently decisive break with the past was signalled by the influential 2001 report Valuing People: A New Strategy for Learning Disability for the 21st Century.10 There is emotive testimony from many service-users exploring how their lives were transformed as a result of leaving large-scale, long-stay institutions, but oddly these accounts have little to say
exaggerated. Such views seem to confirm the new concept of citizenship of the post-war period that placed a premium on the sexual behaviour of women and girls with social legislation reinforcing the traditional role of females as wives and mothers. Conclusion By the late 1930s, contraceptive production in Britain had shifted from a disparate trade made up of small and often non-identifiable manufacturers to a few large companies who dominated home manufacture until LRC was able to monopolise supply by the 1960s. This chronology can be charted against technological
This book explains the current fascination with autism by linking it to a longer history of childhood development. Drawing from a staggering array of primary sources, it traces autism back to its origins in the early twentieth century and explains why the idea of autism has always been controversial and why it experienced a 'metamorphosis' in the 1960s and 1970s. The book locates changes in psychological theory in Britain in relation to larger shifts in the political and social organisation of schools, hospitals, families and childcare. It explores how government entities have dealt with the psychological category of autism. The book looks in detail at a unique children's 'psychotic clinic' set up in London at the Maudsley Hospital in the 1950s. It investigates the crisis of government that developed regarding the number of 'psychotic' children who were entering the public domain when large long-stay institutions closed. The book focuses on how changes in the organisation of education and social services for all children in 1970 gave further support to the concept of autism that was being developed in London's Social Psychiatry Research Unit. It also explores how new techniques were developed to measure 'social impairment' in children in light of the Seebohm reforms of 1968 and other legal changes of the early 1970s. Finally, the book argues that epidemiological research on autism in the 1960s and 1970s pioneered at London's Institute of Psychiatry has come to define global attempts to analyse and understand what, exactly, autism is.
This chapter explores the ways in which balance was configured in diabetes care between the 1900s and 1960s. The balance of diet and insulin sat at the heart of self-care programmes during this period. However, amid growing political and popular interest in affective life, clinicians and a novel patient organisation quickly connected bodily balance with psychological and emotional stability in new ways. Depression, complacency, denial, fear and optimism soon became subject to management in clinical spaces, mutual aid publications and long-term professional–patient interactions, in response to changing notions of health citizenship and self-discipline, and as certain states came to be considered dangerous or beneficial to physiological and political balance. The chapter begins to map out the extensive array of tools and agencies involved in constructing selves oriented towards balance.
Victorian medical men could suffer numerous setbacks on their individual paths to professionalisation, and Thomas Elkanah Hoyle's career offers a telling exemplar. This book addresses a range of the financial, professional, and personal challenges that faced and sometimes defeated the aspiring medical men of England and Wales. Spanning the decades 1780-1890, from the publication of the first medical directory to the second Medical Registration Act, it considers their careers in England and Wales, and in the Indian Medical Service. The book questions the existing picture of broad and rising medical prosperity across the nineteenth century to consider the men who did not keep up with professionalising trends. Financial difficulty was widespread in medical practice, and while there are only a few who underwent bankruptcy or insolvency identified among medical suicides, the fear of financial failure could prove a powerful motive for self-destruction. The book unpicks the life stories of men such as Henry Edwards, who could not sustain a professional persona of disinterested expertise. In doing so it uncovers the trials of the medical marketplace and the pressures of medical masculinity. The book also considers charges against practitioners that entailed their neglect, incompetence or questionable practice which occasioned a threat to patients' lives. The occurrence and reporting of violent crime by medical men, specifically serious sexual assault and murder is also discussed. A tiny proportion of medical practitioners also experienced life as a patient in an asylum.
, hardly anyone had heard of autism. The condition of autism was thought to affect just 4–5 per 10,000 people and was thus considered extremely rare. There were some psychological specialists who wrote on the subject of autism in the 1960s, but they largely regarded ‘autism’ as a normal developmental stage in the formation of human relationships, characterised by hallucinatory and imaginary thinking, which
clear. Patient numbers were outstripping hospital resources, with the result that clinicians felt standards of care were falling. Moreover, the politicisation of hospital costs and waiting times during the 1960s and 1970s meant that conditions in clinics could no longer be tolerated. With local government health departments atrophying, the greater incorporation of GPs in systematic diabetes care offered a way to alleviate pressures on clinics, spreading the cost of care and freeing consultants to focus on the patients who they believed were in most need of skilled
of sociocultural models have usually been placed with the Deaf and disability activism of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, and the academization of Deaf and disability studies from the 1990s onwards. 19 The period from the 1940s to the 1960s, on the other hand, is often still treated as an in-between period, bridging the oppressive medicalization of the first half of the twentieth century and its repudiation by activists towards its end. I argue, however, that it is just in these mid-century decades that we can find early roots of sociocultural models of
such activity will form the bulk of the chapter to follow. In particular we see attempts to establish formal systems and locations for experimental research in sports medicine (including, but not limited to, exercise physiology). Laboratory and clinic overlapped in the many surveys and epidemiological studies which also characterise sports medicine in the 1950s and 1960s; these are clear attempts to find statistical measures which define and explain the athletic body. They are also, in the case of the injuries surveys which will be discussed below, an attempt to