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Ami Pedahzur

-State era when all Jewish settlement in Israel was governed by a political elite originating from Eastern Europe. Members of this elite brought with them a worldview according to which only a centralist and strong state capable of mobilising its people could lead to the realisation of national goals, foremost among which was the need to establish a stable Jewish sovereignty in the land of Israel. In line with this vision, a centralised and paternalistic state or, as termed by Yishai, a ‘guided democracy’, was instituted in Israel. It was David Ben-Gurion, the first prime

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Abstract only
Stacey Gutkowski

transmitted this inheritance through the apparatuses of the state, under the leadership of the Mapai (Labour) party, which created a hierarchy between the Enlightenment and Romantic strands in accordance to their hierarchy within the hegemonic Ashkenazi habitus. At the forefront of this transmission process was Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, who championed Israel’s centralist ethos ( mamlakhtiyut ) to integrate immigrants rapidly into the new state, including by forced assimilation (including secularization) of Mizrahim into the national habitus. The purpose of centralism

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
Stacey Gutkowski

three phases. 41 The first Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion’s vision of statist Zionism was a secular, almost anti-religious vision which simultaneously borrowed, secularized and reconfigured biblical religious symbols for nationalist purposes. After the 1967 war a new form of civil religion emerged in Israel, whereupon mainstream Zionism came to draw even more heavily upon religious symbolism. 42 Ben-Gurion’s statism had failed to replace Jewish tradition with an equally ideologically potent force which could bind citizens to the state, to each other and to

in Religion, war and Israel’s secular millennials
Zionism and Israel as role models in Islamist writing
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

. Zionism is not only a successful manifestation of the synthesis between religion and politics. It is the sublime, most crystallized expression of the Jewish identity, whose equivalent is the Islamist religious-political plan, which in turn is the sublime, most 78 Zionism in Arab discourses crystallized expression of Islamic identity. Al-Maqadma began his discussion by contending with the followers of secular Arab nationalism who maintain that the Zionist movement is a national movement and not a religious one because Herzl, Moshe Dayan, David Ben-Gurion and many

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Raymond Hinnebusch

with ten times its population, led to a sense of permanent siege. David Ben Gurion, Israel’s founding leader who shaped much elite thinking, expressed Israel’s perception of the Arabs: Israel, he asserted, had been inhabited by Arab invaders for 1,300 years but once the homeless, persecuted Jews had finally achieved a small notch of territory, the Arabs sought to reduce its territory, flood it with refugees, seize Jerusalem, and ghettoise it by blockade (Brecher 1972: 552; Gerner 1991: 44). Israel responded to Arab hostility, as Brown (1988: 134

in The international politics of the Middle East