The relative autonomy of coastal Horn of Africa states in their relations with Gulf countries
The Saudi–Iran rivalry and the war in Yemen have had important implications for interstate relations in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. As explained in Chapter 2 , the two ongoing conundrums intensified the relations, especially between the most powerful states of the Arabian Peninsula and the strategically important states in the Horn.
While Saudi efforts since 2013 to diminish Iran's role in the Horn of Africa have been largely successful, the Saudi-led coalition's intervention in
Tehran’s reluctant urban centre:
Representing the national capital
The design of a capital and its administrative centre are important expressions
of national sovereign power and the country’s international standing in the
global community of nations. In modern Iran, this was realized initially under
Reza Shah with his rebuilding of central Tehran, and then attempted in the
unrealized design for a new civic centre under his son, Mohammad Reza Shah.
In this chapter we examine the evolution of this urban design proposal conceived for Abbas Abad
.g. Bahrain, Yemen and Libya), (b) resisting political Islam-led revolutions (e.g. Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood) and (c) increasing overseas political and military engagements (e.g. in the Horn).
The control of this area along the Red Sea coast is vital for the delivery of goods as well as for GCC state security. Some GCC states, notably Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), are angered by alleged Iranian support to the Houthi rebels, who overturned Yemen's government in 2014. They have also been furious about Iranian activism in the Horn and
Scholarship, media and policy reports have begun to examine Africa as a new arena for competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran, especially in relation to the implications of the Yemeni civil war (2015–present) and Qatar–Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) crisis (2017–21) on the Horn of Africa.
To contextualise this recent focus, this chapter will outline the history of relations between the Gulf countries and Africa. Whereas GCC countries are often examined as a
(and stability) was the primary concern of colonial
overlords, yet politics was seen as a prominent mechanism of divide and rule
strategies, manifesting in political structures such as in Lebanon, in tribal courts of
Transjordan, or administrative separation and de facto Alawi and Druze states in
Syria.2 Within this, a number of forms of political systems have been employed with
various social implications, from the Lebanese consociational model to the theocratic
Islamic Republic of Iran. Each form of political organisation is unique and predicated
Heritage in the everyday: Housing and
collective identity before 1979
One of the most tangible cases where heritage, place, and collective identity are
construed and constructed on an everyday basis is in the design of collective
housing. In this chapter we examine a particular case of engagement with the
past through the architectural design of group housing, Shushtar Now (New
Shushtar) by Kamran Diba, a project that arose out of the 1974 Persepolis
congress as an exemplary model for future mass housing in Iran. Such mass
housing fulfilled both
This book and the study of the Middle East
This study takes the Middle East to be constituted around an Arab core, with a shared identity but fragmented into multiple territorial states; the core is flanked by a periphery of non-Arab states – Turkey, Iran and Israel – which are an intimate part of the region’s conflicts and an integral part of its balance of power (Cantori and Spiegel 1970; Ismael 1986: 5–13). Because the Middle East’s unique features defy analyses based on any one conceptual approach to international
a deep, creative and radical democracy ( Jakimow, 2008 ; McFarlane, 2006).
With these insights, pragmatism can contribute to the development of a form of reflexive development practice that allows you to remain sane and do something useful. In this chapter, four dilemmas in the field of development are introduced and connected to broader difficulties in doing development which relies on big-D and little-d perspectives as well as efforts to practise reflexive development. Drawing on examples from Iran regarding the production of development documents
Theoretical approaches and a path from the Crimea to stability
James W. Peterson
Egypt also received overtures from Russia. This occurred after the emergence of a military figure as Egyptian president put some space between that nation and the United States. President Abdal Fatah al-Sisi visited Moscow for a third time in mid-2015 in an effort to persuade it to play a bigger role in the fight against terrorism in the Middle East ( SME 2015k ). The Russian press depicted the meeting as one that fostered cooperation and would deepen trade relations between the two states ( Izvestia 2015i ). Iran was also on President Putin's agenda, for before
in 1981 – avoided claiming any such right. The United States implausibly justified its 1962 blockade of Cuba as ‘regional peacekeeping’. Israel justified the strikes that initiated the 1967 Six-Day War as a response to a prior act of aggression. The United States argued that the shooting down of an Iranian airliner in 1988, although mistaken, was in response to an ongoing attack. For the most part, these and other countries chose not to claim or condone a right of pre-emptive self-defence during the Cold War when nuclear missile submarines on hair-trigger alert