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Bespoke democracy
Matt Qvortrup

recalling elected individuals (Chapter 4). Later in the book we look at the more practical side of direct democracy, like the courts and direct democracy (Chapter 8), as well as looking at the practical rules governing the process in Chapter 9. In between these chapters we consider case studies of citizen politics, ranging from the British AV Referendum (Chapter 7) to the Irish Referendum on the Lisbon Treaty (Chapter 6) and consider if citizens are likely to understand the issues put before them (Chapter 5). So, all in all, a pretty full menu! The political consumer and

in Direct democracy
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Ana E. Juncos

member states regarded as pro-Atlanticist or neutral, and thus the number of EU crisis management operations skyrocketed between 2003 and 2010. The (self-)declared success of the crisis management operations deployed by the EU and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, which promised to increase the effectiveness of the CSDP, served to raise expectations again (Menon, 2011b ). However, the impact of the

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

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Myrto Tsakatika

, the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty. The emphasis will be on such developments as the new state of affairs in the executive involving the introduction of the office of a long-term Union President and High Representative, the new role for national parliaments as guardians of subsidiarity, new provisions for openness in the Council, the issue of simplification, and others. The concluding chapter will summarise findings in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 and will attempt to provide answers to the following questions: to what extent are accountability, identifiability and

in Political responsibility and the European Union
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Fiona Dukelow and Orla O’Donovan

capitalism, according to the Financial Times (Murray Brown, 2009), into ‘Dire Land’ as tax revenue from property transactions halved between 2006 and 2008 and the government began the introduction of the ‘most severe austerity programme’ since the foundation of the state. Against this economic background, José Manuel Barroso, the president of the European Commission who celebrated the EU as a ‘non-imperial empire’, urged voters in the 2009 Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty to be pragmatic and vote yes, not least to boost investor confidence. In a similar vein, the

in Mobilising classics
The Irish left and the crisis
Michael Holmes

people simply did not feel any effects of that recovery, and there are suggestions that it is simply repeating the policies that caused Ireland's problems in the first instance (Ó Riain, 2017 ). The left and European integration This section evaluates how the crisis affected the attitudes of the Irish left to integration, looking particularly at the 2009 Lisbon Treaty referendum, 15 the 2012 referendum on the Fiscal Compact Treaty and the 2014 European Parliament elections

in The European left and the financial crisis
The unexpected security consequences of Brexit
Federiga Bindi

-NATO members). NATO formally endorsed European defense cooperation at its fiftieth anniversary summit (25 April 1999). In June 1999, at the Cologne summit, the EU heads of government announced their decision to absorb the WEU into a new ESDP, renamed by the Lisbon Treaty the ‘Common Security and Defense Policy’. The former NATO general secretary, Javier Solana, was appointed Secretary General of the WEU and High Representative for the CFSP. At the Helsinki European Council in December 1999, it was then agreed that by 2003 the EU would be able to deploy up to 60,000 troops

in The European Union after Brexit
Éirígí and RNU
Paddy Hoey

Patrick Pearse. By far the most eye-catching and savvy example of the party’s deployment of guerrilla media tactics was its appropriation of John Gilroy’s eradefining mid-twentieth-century Guinness advertising for use in the campaign against the Lisbon Treaty referendum in 2009, which coincided with the 250th anniversary of the founding of the brewery. The birthday had spawned a year-long series of events to celebrate the beer which had so long been a pervasive symbol of Ireland throughout the world. The famous 1930s and 1940s posters of Toucans bearing the slogan

in Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters
From opt-outs to solidarity?
Aideen Elliott

,000 applications were recorded. In 2015, Ireland received 3,276 applications for asylum, 0.2% of the EU total ( Eurostat 2015 ). Europeanisation of migration and asylum policies The Lisbon Treaty of 2007 was heralded as a game changer for EU migration and asylum law. Firstly, the treaty was seen as the moment when EU migration and asylum law became a policy field in its own right, freeing itself from being presented

in Ireland and the European Union
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Global Britain and Brexit England
Ben Wellings

need to contain the politicised Englishness that had been mobilised around the issue of EU membership and associated concerns about sovereignty and immigration. English discontent was contained at the very moment when it was used by Brexiteers to justify a major shift in British policy. As Theresa May explained in an open letter to Donald Tusk when triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty on 31 March 2017, ‘the referendum was a vote to restore, as we see it, our national self-determination’ (May, 2017 ). That restored self-determination was underwritten by

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere