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in light of the evidence in the records for economic cooperation between Ireland's ethnicities, money effectively ‘greasing the wheels’ of any potential ethnic rift. When we analyse the places associated with trade between Ireland and England we can see that separate systems, or networks, existed across the Irish Sea that connected certain regions of Ireland with her neighbours. These may have continued in existence from the early Middle Ages. Hudson, in his study of the early medieval Irish Sea zone (1999), proposed that Chester and
-era resident Daphne Pope termed ‘volunteer or you will be forced types’ even though they were meant to be volunteers. 98 A group of 100 women mostly from France and Belgium were also employed by the OT to do domestic tasks across the island. 99 Many came to Alderney owing to a lack of work in their homelands and some turned to prostitution to make money ( Profile 5 ). 108 Profile 4 Jacob Pfarr German national Jacob Pfarr was born on 4 February 1909 in Hammersbeck. 100 He worked as a
that history was the only possible escape in a turbulent present (Fritzsche 2004 : 10), he was not convincing. First, people could physically escape to other places, that is emigrate, as many were forced to do during the French Revolution, a point that Fritzsche himself noted (Fritzsche 2004 : 33ff). Second, people could move in their imagination, not only to the past but also to fictional places in the present or the future. Today, many are able – provided they have the necessary resources (passport, visa, and money) – to travel in both time and space, both in
Glenogra was until then a vibrant local centre and had the potential to be so again. It states several times that the quality of the land around was excellent and included underwood, and that the vill called ‘Creans’ by Glenogra had buildings prior to the Desmond Rebellion. This village may have been located around the medieval parish church, 260 metres to the northeast, it too described as a shell. Its rent was stated as comprising money, cattle and grains, implying a mixed agricultural economy in the area ( Desmond survey
’ (beef cattle), sheep, and seven or eight harness horses (CSPI: vol. 11, SP63/209/1, f. 131, 1601). According to sixteenth-century descriptions, Irish cattle were small and hardy (McDonald, 2016 ). But ascertaining whether tower houses were in fact used in this way is another matter (identifying animals in buildings is discussed in Gardiner ( 2000 )). Animals lived side by side with humans in lower-status medieval houses, like the earlier longhouse, and the Gaelic-Irish legal corpus indicates that some cattle could be worth significant sums of money. Drains might not
money to feed his family for a year due to the quantity of remains that he found, mostly in Longy Bay. 113 A newspaper report from 1992 also claims that, in the 1960s, bodies were reportedly found scattered over the seabed near Alderney, leading to the area being designated a war grave. 114 However, no further investigations were carried out to recover the bodies or confirm their identities. Unfortunately, investigating the accuracy of these claims, more than seventy-five years after they reportedly occurred
archaeological research was initially proposed in 2009, the Alderney Society (the island’s historical society) wrote to us stating that ‘the proposed areas of investigation have already been exhaustively covered and would NOT provide a viable research project. It was firmly held that this would be waste [ sic ] of your department’s time and money.’ 124 After extensive discussions – and presentations concerning the potential of the archaeological methods and the importance of learning more about the labourers
8 of Psamtek I (657 BC), the overseer of the necropolis states that he is satisfied with the money he received for a tomb built in the necropolis: ‘Regnal Year 8, second month of Akhet under King Psamtek, may he live for ever. The overseer of the necropolis Kayrou son of Ptahhotep has said to the washerwoman Peteamunip son of Pakem: “You have satisfied my heart with the price for this tomb that is located in the mountain of Anubis”.’ A group of individuals involved in the mortuary sphere who rose to prominence in the Saite Period were the ‘pourers of water’ (wAHw
unique to museums, and characteristic of particular institutions. The emphasis on different sciences and their place in any discernable hierarchy varies between sites and across time. In the nineteenthcentury British Museum, for example, natural history played second fiddle to books and antiquities, in contrast to the dominance of science in the Manchester Museum, which had similar coverage (albeit on a much smaller scale). This disciplinary hierarchy is not only evident on the galleries, but in the apportion of staff, money and storage space. These resources were
different archaeologies with their own designations, including my own specialities “historical archaeology” and “church archaeology” (Rudebeck 2009 : 18). But there is undoubtedly room for “a thousand archaeologies” in the future. Specialisation is encouraged by an academic dynamic, in which positions and capital are sought at the “forefront of research”. New perspectives are soon defined as their own specialities and, if possible, as their own subjects, which may generate a return in the form of appointments, money, and prestige. In addition, specialisation is an