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Tara, the M3 and the Celtic Tiger
Conor Newman

, at Oireachtas Committees or even in the courts, of absolutely crucial importance is how these different strands are mediated by the press and on the airwaves. These opinion-shapers exist in a hierarchy, with radio and television probably exerting greater influence on public opinion than print media. Throughout the M3 campaign there was a palpable sense that, dealing in the currency of sound-bites, many national broadcasters were paralysed when faced with the apparent complexity of archaeological and historical arguments against the route of the motorway. Even more

in Defining events
Political culture and FOI
Maura Adshead

requests. In 1999, the FOI Civil Service Users’ Network submitted a report to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Finance and the Public Service reviewing some 7,000 FOI requests made to central government, and more than 3,000 FOI requests to regional health boards and local authorities (Zimmerman, 2008:  27). The network made twenty-four recommendations, including: proposals to charge full costs of information provision to business requesters; refuse multiple requests in order to prevent ‘abuses’ of the Act; and review a number of issues in relation to third

in Ireland and the Freedom of Information Act
Still a very secret service
Richard Dowling

months later when he appeared before an Oireachtas committee examining the controversy surrounding the issue of gardaí removing penalty points from speeding motorists, an issue that cost the Irish taxpayer millions of euro (O’Toole, 2014). The matter came to prominence after two garda whistle-blowers released information to members of the Oireachtas. The controversy centred on whether cancelling penalty points for speeding motorists was done for legitimate reasons or Freedom of information and policing 71 not. However, the main issue for then Garda Commissioner

in Ireland and the Freedom of Information Act
Joe Larragy

organisations. In that way the small organisations operated as a catalyst, even before they got into social partnership, for new policy departures. This led to the formation of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Employment and the National Economic and Social Forum in 1992-­93. These operated as stepping stones to involvement in social partnership in 1996. Another front was opened by the CWC in becoming knowledge holders in the area of Structural Funds for local development and social inclusion. This intervention had a more direct influence on the official level of the

in Asymmetric engagement
Amanda Slevin

amplification of neoliberal ideology, during the 1980s which resulted in a rollback in state intervention in different contexts, revealing how shifts in global capitalism impacted on decision-making and policy formation within a specific nation state. Limitations placed on the INPC had lasting consequences and a Joint Oireachtas Committee review found that a legacy of restrictions on the INPC’s activities was its ‘underdevelopment  … [which] meant Irish expertise in the petroleum industry was never sufficiently developed’ (JCCNRA, 2012a, p.  33). Occurrences at micro and meso

in Gas, oil and the Irish state
Open Access (free)
Modernisation via Europeanisation
Brigid Laffan

members nor the secretariat of the committee had the legal or technical expertise to examine many of the complex issues involved in EC law and policies; the many time pressures on Irish politicians do not allow them to develop the kind of expertise required for a thorough examination of EU policies. In response to these difficulties the FF–LAB government established a new Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs in the spring of 1993. This subsumed the work of the previous Committee on Secondary Legislation, and also covered a much broader agenda encompassing the

in Fifteen into one?
Sandra Buchanan

this Space, p. 1. 92 CRC presentation to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, Dublin, 9 Oct 2014. Available at­relations. (accessed 31 August 2015). 93 T. Farrell and O. Schmitt, The Causes, Character and Conduct of Armed Conflict, and the Effects on Civilian Populations 1990–2010 (Geneva: UNHCR, Division of International Protection, July 2014), p. 31.

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Brid Quinn

deliberations of the various EU-related Oireachtas committees which existed at different times since Ireland’s accession in 1973 (see chapter 4). The EU’s championing of the regional dimension has contributed to the greater aspirational attention to regional development in government strategies published since the 1990s such as the NDP 2000–06, NDP 2007–13, the National Spatial Strategy and the Regional Planning guidelines. Thus, the rhetoric of regional recognition has become ingrained but significant lacunae remain with regard to implementation. Since the creation of the

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
Actors, institutional adaptation and implementation
Bernadette Connaughton

on Article 10 (duty of cooperation) (repealed and replaced in substance by Article 4 as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon). The 2006 guidelines for transposition advocate that preparation for the drafting of legislation commence at least as soon as the directive is published in the Official Journal of the EU. It prescribes early consultation with the Attorney General's Office and that views expressed by Oireachtas Committees in the scrutiny of the draft directive and/or consultation processes during the RIA are taken into consideration

in The implementation of environmental policy in Ireland
Bernadette Connaughton

sometimes assumed. The nature of the Irish electoral system, however, promotes the mobilisation of partisan veto players and can even pit members of a political party against each other. Arguably, the socialisation of locally elected councillors in EU matters is also less developed than ministers who run a department or TDs who participate in Oireachtas committees. Additionally, given the dominant features of localism and brokerage in the political system, they are less likely to accept the premise of the superior order of EU law within their own constituencies. Stalemate

in The implementation of environmental policy in Ireland