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Union Soudanaise stood firmly against French colonial rule and affiliated itself with the Pan-African Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) set up by Modibo Keïta, mayor of Bamako in 1956. 7 General elections were held across the Sudan in 1956 and won by the RDA and the Union Soudanaise. The PPS joined the Union Soudanaise and RDA in
communism and radical pan-Africanism during the interwar period. 21 Most notably, the Comintern Archives include tens of thousands of personal files of members of national communist parties, including James W. Ford. Ford’s personal file in the Comintern Archives includes a ten-page autobiographical sketch. Ford wrote the text in early 1932, presumably while he was sojourning in Moscow and worked at the Comintern headquarters. 22 The production of such texts was a distinctive policy by the Comintern’s International Control
explored by Jonathan Schneer in Chapter 14, which focuses mainly on the first Pan-African Conference of 1900. As Schneer demonstrates, London provided a site – among many others – for the emerging discourse of pan-Africanism. Schneer’s emphasis on the significance of anti-imperial politics in the imperial city has wider implications for interpretations of imperial urbanism. In periods of mass political unrest, spaces which had been consciously designed to symbolise imperial power could also become sites of challenge and
in the historical-political context of subjugation, racism, and dispossession as well as the colonised people’s efforts to (symbolically) reclaim the objects. In order to properly assess the political agenda behind the project of reviving African masks in the film by Marker and Resnais, it is important to remember that it was commissioned by the Paris-based Pan-African publishing house Présence Africaine . I will come back to the film by Marker and Resnais in the context of postwar artistic practices. The
F OR OVER THREE HUNDRED YEARS , the global political and philosophical thinking of African liberation has revolved around the organising concept of Pan-Africanism. The enchainment and chattel enslavement of Africans by Europeans in particular, on the continent and in its many diasporas, engendered pedagogies of on-site resistance and cosmologies of return. Over time, displaced Africans, at home and abroad, formulated fictions and fellowships of bonding and belonging, and developed cultural practices seeking reattachment and
This chapter analyses the Pan-African career of Nigerian scholar-technocrat, Adebayo Adedeji, who headed the UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) between 1975 and 1991. The author also assesses his efforts at promoting economic development and regional integration across Africa, as well as his intellectual contributions to these two fields.
Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. On the eve of World War II, a small, impoverished group of Africans and West Indians in London dared to imagine the end of British rule in Africa. Printing gave oppositions a voice, initially through broadsheets, tracts, pamphlets, later through books and articles. The group launched an anti-colonial campaign that used publishing as a pathway to liberation. These writers included West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, and Ras Makonnen, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leone's I. T. A. Wallace Johnson. They formed a part of International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the communists saw them as "generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens". Padmore saw 'trusteeship' as a concept invoked as far back as the late nineteenth-century conferences that divided up Africa. Pan-Africa, a monthly periodical T. Ras Makonnen put out, reported that Richard Wright urged his listeners to form an international network of 'cultured progressives'. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Inspired by the movement for self-government in British West African colonies, French radicals like Leopold Senghor were rebelling against French political control. In 1969, when a small American publisher reissued A History of Pan-African Revolt , James added to it an epilogue explaining the 'rapid decline of African nationalism'.
cohesion. 6 Those leaders gathered in Sirte agreed that the continent needed to address the social, political, and economic realities in Africa and as such agreed to establish a new union that would align with the objectives of the OAU Charter and the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. The future continental organization would seek to speed up implementation of economic integration and establish other features of continental unity, including a central bank, monetary union, court of justice, and pan-African parliament. The leaders in Sirte also agreed to
, albeit solely focused on the national sphere, represents a specific attempt of emancipation from the global investment protection regime that falls short of any amendment of the latter. (c) Regional and continent-wide investment peculiarities: SADC Model BIT 2012 and the Draft Pan-African Investment Code Germane examples for a less radical emancipatory
in theory as an indispensable critical tool, I have never been interested in ‘producing theory’ and, in any case, I am not a theorist of any rank in this age of theory, so I regard the designation of cultural theorist more as a polite, convenient postponement, a holding operation, than a well-understood resolution.” 2 The Reluctant Pan-Africanist and Cultural Theorist By his own admission, Stuart Hall came somewhat late to Pan-Africanism. Although he had the “melanin coursing through [his] veins” and the