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the EMS in 1993, France saw itself as being forced into the kind of machinations that culminated in the conclusion of the unpopular ‘Stability Pact’ in 1997. The important controversial debate on the social costs of monetary integration began at that time.8 This forcefully split parties, separating the ‘integrationnistes’ from so-called ‘souverainistes’, namely national republicans and social Gaullists, who built a coalition against a so-called neo-liberal ‘pensée unique’. In the 1995 presidential election, concerns about the preservation of a high level of social
limits their scope. (Henry Kissinger)1 Summary As the EU and NATO enlarge, prospects for overall economic growth and peace are good, even if tensions both within and without the enlarged circle of EU and NATO member states could cloud the picture, as over Iraq in 2003. Prospects for peace and prosperity improved in South-Eastern Europe under a Stability Pact for the region, involving major international assistance. Continuing EU and NATO enlargement will mean an eastward shift of Europe’s ‘centre of gravity’, with a major role for Germany. That country is, however
, be said to have 8 been covered by the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe, while awaiting the day when their economic (and political) maturity might be such as to qualify them for candidate status. Meanwhile, the EU was to reform itself in order to be ready in its turn to receive new members. An Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) would be set up in 2000 and given until 2002 to finish its work (i.e. one or two years before the first expected enlargement). The main task was to make sure that a much larger EU could work efficiently and reach decisions. MUP
:01:38 AM Serbia’s new period of crisis 129 membership of the EU and activity through the Regional Cooperation Council formed in 2008 as a successor to the post-civil war Stability Pact is argued to encourage such a process of realignment among the former Yugoslavian states. But support for the idea of Yugosphere may not be as popular as initially suggested. Croatia, for example, now orientates its trade more on Austria, Germany and Italy than it does on Serbia or the rest of the former Yugoslavia.11 Apart from the benefits that are likely to accrue by a restoration of
pressures from Europe were low-medium (see Table 10.3). This was in marked contrast to monetary policy, whereby participation in EMU and the single currency ensured that the state no longer had discretionary control over interest rates (medium to high adaptational pressures). This meant that interest rates were set at the European level by the ECB and that monetary policy was determined at a European level by the ECB and member state finance ministers. Nevertheless, even in this area, member states, including Ireland, have breached the Growth and Stability Pact
amendments permitting. For instance, opposition to the stability pact limiting budget deficits to 3 per cent ‘privent [Les Quinze] des moyens budgétaires d’impulser une véritable politique de l’emploi à l’échelle européenne’.5 Similarly, the lack of democratic checks on the European Central Bank raises fears of excessive monetarism on the part of European economic policies. This again demonstrates the need to differentiate between bases to Euroscepticism, and certainly this is not limited just to the Greens. In the case of the PCF, for instance, shifting positions on
the three-stage plan to build EMU, developed in the 1970s under the leadership of Pierre Werner, as this played an important role in the field of financial policy. In the late 1990s, the negotiating skills of the Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker brought about German–French agreement at a time when the stability pact on budget deficits was being developed, and thus helped to further EMU. Luxembourg’s European policy focuses primarily on a deepening of the integration process while safeguarding vital national interests. During the 1996–97 IGC, the government
more frequently to describe the security angle of the relationship between Japan and ASEAN ( di Floristella, 2015 ), 2 and the EU ( Gilson, 2016 ; Tsuruoka, 2015 ) and NATO. In Japan’s security relations with the EU, NATO or the ARF, the term ‘regional security partnership’ is frequently used to indicate a form of security arrangement in a region that deals with specific security threats but is usually based on formal security agreements, international organisations, peace and stability pacts, and confidence-building measures ( Atina, 2007
– Roma under the Stability Pact. 23 Sadurski, ‘Charter and enlargement’, p. 343. 24 Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001 (London: HMSO, 2001), www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2001/20010024.htm . 25
public opinion. 2 Officially, however, France supported the campaign and actively engaged in the negotiation of the international peace plan for Kosovo. Germany, which held the Presidency of the European Union at the time, played a vital role in the negotiations. Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer launched a peace plan and the idea of a Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe in April 1999. 3