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Brazilian approaches to terrorism and counterterrorism in the post-9/11 era
Jorge M. Lasmar

Introduction More than ever, specialists are turning to regional specificities when trying to understand how particular terrorist groups think and act. Terrorist groups commonly adopt radicalized transnational ideologies and rhetoric. However, in most cases, we see that terrorist groups not only inscribe their local grievances onto the larger globalized rhetoric but also adapt their modus operandi to the regional realities of their particular theatre(s) of action. The same can be said about governmental responses to terrorism. It is

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Emma Leonard Boyle

Introduction Uganda's counterterrorism policy can only be understood in the context of President Yoweri Museveni's national and regional ambitions. Throughout his long tenure as president of Uganda, Museveni has courted the support and aid of the West in order to strengthen his position as president and to increase his stature within East Africa. While economic development dominated the 1990s in Uganda, the focus of the 2000s has been security and, more specifically, terrorism. In the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, Museveni was the

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Ontological, epistemological and normative issues
Sondre Lindahl

Introduction As the two preceding chapters have documented, it would not be an overstatement to suggest that Western countries embraced a kind of terrorism/counter-terrorism hyperbole after the 9/11 attacks. The almost singular focus and frenzied attention on waging war on terror was at the same time, as a recent article shows, supported by a similar singular focus and attention in academia on jihadism ( Schuurman, 2019 ). As a result, other terrorism s or forms of violent extremism were subjugated or simply ignored. However, with several attacks perpetrated

in Encountering extremism
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Politics, violence and resistance
Richard Jackson

comparable with the causes of the ‘war on terrorism’. The simple but disturbing answer was positive: the causes are broadly similar. Through a careful analysis of the official language of counter-terrorism, I discovered that the discursive strategies employed by the American and British administrations to construct the ‘war on terrorism’ were the same as those used by leaders and

in Writing the war on terrorism
Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

four specific threats of terrorism, immigration, the economy, and environmental degradation at the global, national, community, and personal levels – and political attitudes and behaviours. While there are other reasons to understand the origins of perceptions of security threats, the issue becomes of less political import if these perceptions do not lead to the kinds of compromises in democratic

in Everyday security threats
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A new perspective unfolds
Charlotte Wagnsson

War. 1 The Russian leaders seized the opportunity finally to gain an audience for their analysis of the global security situation. All leaderships declared their moral aim to be to protect the whole of civilised mankind – or the ‘principles of humanity’ – against the evil of terrorism. 2 They emphasised that terrorism emanated from particular geographical areas located beyond

in Security in a greater Europe
Anti-terrorism powers and vernacular (in)securities
Lee Jarvis and Michael Lister

The two preceding chapters focused on public understandings of anti-terrorism policy and the implications of these for the status and practice of citizenship. As we saw, and perhaps as we might expect, there is no unidirectional relationship between these entities. While many people in the UK feel that their experience of citizenship has been adversely affected by developments

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

2002 when then Persson government radically altered the text of Sweden’s security doctrine (discussed in detail below). The EU’s external dimension has also gathered pace in light of the ‘war on terror’, with the introduction of new measures to combat international terrorism. The ‘war on terror’, combined with the EU’s economic strength and role in the process of globalisation has a dual consequence

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Roel Meijer

Introduction This chapter will analyse the Saudi counterterrorism discourse in the period between 2003 and 2010. Much was written on these programmes at the time, but the religious side of the programme has seldom been investigated in depth. 1 This period is an interesting one, because for the first time Saudi Arabia was itself confronted with terrorism. It developed a two-pronged strategy: a ‘soft’ ideological one and a ‘hard’, repressive one. It is especially the soft measures and the counterterrorist religious discourse of the state that has

in Non-Western responses to terrorism